Unperceived Ideological
Transshipment and
Dialogue
by PLINIO CORRÊA DE OLIVEIRA
Introduction
Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira was born in Sâo Paulo,
Brazil, in 1908. He received his doctorate in Law from the Law School of the
University of Sâo Paulo. He is Professor of
the History of Civilization at the University College of the University of Sâo Paulo
and Professor of Modern and Contemporary History in the Colleges of Sâo Bento and Sedes Sapientiae of the Pontifical
Catholic University of Sâo Paulo.
He has distinguished himself since his youth as an
orator, lecturer and Catholic journalist. He wrote regularly for the Catholic
weekly Legionario and now writes for
the monthly Catolicismo and the large
daily newspaper Folha de Sao Paulo.
In 1960 he founded the Brazilian Society for the
Defense of Tradition, Family and Property (TFP) and has been President of its
National Council ever since.
TFPs and similar autonomous organizations were later
founded in twelve other countries in the Americas and Europe, inspired by the
book Revolution and Counterrevolution and
other works of Prof. Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira.
Episodes of little importance can sometimes clarify
and explain all the aspects of an intricate situation. This, which is seen so
frequently in novels, also happens in real life. This study arose from one of
these episodes.
1. Twisting Words in the Service of Communist Propaganda
The many meanings given to the word dialogue in certain circles has sounded
false to our ears for some time. We have observed that in the daily speech of
these circles and in certain press commentaries the word dialogue is used in an
artificial and forced way around a fixed point of legitimate residual meaning.
Furthermore, it is used in such disconcertingly daring ways and with so many
underlying meanings that we felt an urgent need, as if dictated by
conscience, to protest against such a flagrant violation of the rules of good
speech.
Little by little, the impressions, observations and
notes we gathered here and there made us feel that the diversiform twisting of
the word dialogue had an underlying
consistency that appeared to be something intentional, methodical and planned.
In addition, we had the feeling that, besides dialogue, this included other
words frequently appearing in the lucubrations of progressivists, socialists,
and communists, such as pacifism,
coexistence, ecumenism, Christian Democracy, third force, and so on. Once
subjected to similar twisting, these words began to form a kind of constellation,
supporting and complementing each other. Each word was, as it were, a talisman
designed to work its own psychological effect over people. And it seemed to us
that the overall effect of this constellation of talismans was such as to work
a gradual but deepening transformation in people's souls.
From our observations, it was clear that this twisting
was always done with the same objective: to weaken the resistance of noncommunists
by giving their souls a propensity towards condescension, sympathy, non‑resistance,
or even surrender. In extreme cases, this twisting even succeeded in
transforming non‑communists into communists.
As observations revealed to us a distinct line of
consistency and an invariable internal structure in the multiform and
disconcerting use of these words as efficacious and subtle as a talisman, we
began to suspect that if someone were to discover and explain what this line of
consistency and logic was, he would unmask a new and widely used artifice
employed by communism in its incessant psychological war against non‑communist
nations.
However, this was not the immediate reason why we
decided to make a special study of the matter; it was rather the experience we
shall now describe.
2. Unmasking a Process
In 1963, we published a study entitled The Freedom of the Church in the Communist
State. Translated into several languages, this study made its way through
the Iron Curtain. Mr. Zbigniew Czajkowski, a director of the "Communist Catholic"
movement Pax of Poland, deemed it necessary to immunize the Polish public
against this study by publishing an open letter to us in Kierunki and Zycie i Mysi, Warsaw magazines to which he contributes and in which he
attempted to thoroughly refute our work.[1]
We answered through Brazil's well‑known cultural monthly Catolicismo, thus giving rise to a whole
debate which is still not concluded.
In one of the points of his argument published in an
article in Kierunki and reprinted in Catolicismo (no. 170, Feb. 1965), Mr. Z.
Czajkowski enumerated the advantages that he saw in the simple fact that we
were debating. Such advantages supposedly resulted from arguing as such, even
though we did not come to an understanding. Between the lines of what the Pax
journalist wrote about the advantages of our debate was an imponderable, yet
very real, Hegelian influence. And ‑a small thing but rich in
perspectives ‑ applying Mr. Czajkowski's Hegelian and dialectical
premise to all those words whose distortion and misrepresentation impressed
us, the meaning of this same distortion and misrepresentation became clarified
in a surprising manner. The point of reference explaining and ordering the
entire panorama of our previous impressions and observations thus became clear,
and the guileful process of psychological warfare, which until then we were
only able to glimpse, was laid bare.
Whereas Mr. Z. Czajkowski alluded properly to
"debate," by means of an understandable association of ideas it occurred
to us that everything he said about the matter was exactly like what we had
heard or read about dialogue. Thus, the word's varied and enigmatic meaning
became clear.
So the importance of certain words, and especially of
the word dialogue, as artifices of psychological warfare, was unveiled to us.
The studies resulting from this discovery led us to
write the present work, which we submit for the reader's evaluation.
3. Implicit Ideological Action, the Central Feature of the Process
It is important to emphasize at the outset that the
process in question is designed to predispose those naturally refractory to
explicit forms of Marxist preaching in such a way as to make them favor
communism's tactics and doctrine and finally transform them into "useful
idiots," if not convinced communists. For this very reason, the process
works on mentalities in an implicit way.
A characteristic and essential note of this process is
that, throughout or almost throughout its course, its patients do not perceive
that they are undergoing a psychological action caused by someone, nor do they
realize that their impressions and sympathies are leading them toward
communism. In varying degrees of clarity, they know that they are
"evolving" ideologically. But it seems to them that this evolution is
a process in which they themselves are gradually discovering or deepening their
knowledge of an appealing "truth," or constellation of
"truths," without the aid of anyone else. As a rule, during nearly
the entire process these patients never realize that they are little by little
becoming communists. If at a certain moment this danger were made apparent to
them, they would ipso facto recognize the abyss into which they are falling and
would step back.
Only in the final stage of this "evolution"
does the patients' interior transformation become so evident that they realize
they are tending towards communism. But at this point their mentality has so
"evolved" that the hypothesis of becoming adherents of communism no
longer horrifies but rather attracts them.
4. Unperceived Ideological Transshipment: A Summary
We call this phenomenon ‑ or rather, this subtle
process of communist propaganda ‑ unperceived
ideological transshipment. We propose to succinctly describe its essential
aspects and, since it is used in different ways, to study especially its
application in what we call the stratagem of the talismanic word. We will then illustrate the study of this
stratagem with a concrete example or, more specifically, describe how the term
dialogue is used to make innumerable
non‑communists inadvertently evolve towards communism.
The phenomenon of unperceived ideological
transshipment has various modalities. It can either develop in all its
fullness and radicality by leading the patient all the way to accepting
communism, or take on a less ample and radical mode, e.g. when its victim
merely becomes socialist instead of communist. In both cases, the transshipment
is ideological in the strict sense of the term.
The process also may be directed only at theories and
methods of action, rather than at a whole philosophical conception of the
universe, of life, of man, of culture, of economics, of sociology, and of
politics, such as Marxism is. Thus, a fiery anticommunist can be
"transshipped" into one who wants only to make accommodations,
concessions, and retreat. This transshipment is "ideological" in the
diminutae rationis sense of the
word.
We thought it necessary to show, at the end of the
study, how the action of the talismanic word and the process of unperceived
ideological transshipment can be stopped or even prevented by a timely word of
warning to the incautious.
CHAPTER I
THE NEW COMMUNIST TACTIC: PERSUASIVE ACTION IN THE
SUBCONSCIOUS
Before studying unperceived ideological transshipment,
it seems useful to emphasize all the importance and timeliness of the subject
from the standpoint of the most recent strategy of the communists to conquer
the world.
1. An Obsolete Conception of the Efficacy of the Techniques of
Persuasion and Violence in the Communist Strategy
Many readers will stumble over a preliminary
difficulty when they settle down to consider the subject seriously. It so
happens that the press, television, and radio continuously present Russian and
Chinese aggression against non‑communist nations as practicable most
frequently through armed invasion and through social revolutions promoted by
the communist parties of the various countries to be invaded. According to this conception, violence is
far and away communism's principal instrument of conquest.
Undoubtedly, those who hold this viewpoint also speak
of techniques of persuasion as a means of conquest. But they view such
techniques simply as elements of classic warfare, indispensable but secondary
to military operations.
2. Techniques of Persuasion: More Important than Sheer Force
In our view, under
today's conditions ideological persuasion is not regarded by the communists as
something collateral, or subsidiary to, violent assault. In fact, the
communists now expect greater results from propaganda than from force.
3. Ideological
Transshipment: Its Current Importance
Furthermore, as far as propaganda is concerned, the
direct and explicit ideological effort of the Communist Party is not its only
priority: unperceived ideological transshipment, the indirect and implicit
technique of persuasion, is not less, but in some aspects even more important.
These two statements are essential to broaden the
horizons of many anticommunists zealously and meritoriously committed to the
necessary task of alerting the world to communism's war of conquest and violent
social revolution. Anticommunists must denounce, prevent and stop the process
of unperceived ideological transshipment in all its forms, including that of
the talismanic word.
This first chapter is dedicated to elucidating this
point.
4. Communism: An
Imperialistic Sect
To demonstrate the assertions we have just made it is
necessary to keep in mind, above all, what the fundamental nature of the
communist movement is:
‑ An atheistic, materialistic and Hegelian philosophical sect which deduces from its erroneous principles a complete
and unique conception of man, economics, society, politics, culture, and
civilization;
‑A worldwide subversive organization: communism is not just a movement of a speculative
nature. By the imperatives of its own doctrine it wants to turn all men into
communists and shape the life of all nations entirely according to its
principles. Considered in this aspect, the Marxist sect professes integral
imperialism not just because it aims at imposing the thought and will of a
minority on all men, but because this imposition affects man as a whole, in all
aspects of his activity.
5. Obstacles
Confronting Communist Imperialism
To achieve its imperialistic ambition, communism has
to overcome serious obstacles. Examples:
A. The Unresponsiveness of the Masses
The communists have been preaching social revolution,
bloodshed, and pillage to the entire world's working population for about a
hundred years. Nearly all this time, the communists have had virtually complete
freedom of thought and action in nearly all nations. Furthermore, they have not
lacked immense financial resources and the best technicians and specialists in
propaganda. In spite of all this, the masses have shown themselves largely
unresponsive to the lures of Marxist demagogy ‑ which would supposedly
fascinate them so easily. The fact remains that in no country has communism
ever taken power by means of honest, straightforward elections. Part of this
unresponsiveness is due to the fact that in many areas the situation of the
needy has been considerably improved. But one should not, however, exaggerate
the ideological consequences of such improvements: in some regions, like the
north of Italy, where the conditions of the working classes have continuously
improved since World War II, communism has achieved disconcerting successes at
the polls.[2]
In addition, the cause of the chronic inability of
the communists to win through the ballot box is also, to some degree, due to
the resistance that mankind's age‑old substratum of common sense opposes
to Marxism. The essentially antinatural character appearing in all aspects of
communism clashes with this common sense. In Christian societies, this factor
is compounded by the incompatibility between the spirit, doctrine and methods
of Marxism and the spirit, doctrine and methods of the Church. The undeniable
and immense consequence is that after a
hundred years of existence and action, no Communist Party has succeeded in
becoming a majority in any country. This fact must be strongly emphasized
if we are to see in their true perspective all the obstacles that communism
faces.
Answering Possible Objections
· True, communism won the Polish elections in 1957.
But it is obvious that they were not free elections. Polish Catholics knew that
if they defeated Gomulka they would expose their country to a Russian
repression like the one suffered by glorious and unfortunate Hungary in 1956.
Thus, although they were a decisive majority, the Catholics opted for what they
saw as a lesser evil, namely "Gomulkian" representatives. We are not
discussing whether this maneuver is licit or whether it is adroit from a
strictly political point of view. We emphasize, however, that in no way can it
be affirmed that a congress with a communist majority was freely elected by
the illustrious Polish people. Thus, the existence of a communist majority in
the Polish parliament constitutes no argument against what we have just said.
· In 1970, five years after the first edition of this
work, a Marxist government took power in Chile by means of the electoral
process. But it is well‑known that Chilean Marxists were far from
obtaining a majority in those elections. As we demonstrated at the time in an
article widely circulated through practically all the countries of Latin
America (cf. "The Whole Truth About the Elections in Chile," in Folha de S. Paulo, 10/9/70), in the 1964
presidential elections Allende received nothing but communist support, that is,
from the Socialist Party (Marxist), the Communist Party, and a few small groups
of communist dissidents. Thus, all communist vote was for Allende, and he was
defeated. In 1970, however, Allende was a coalition candidate and, in addition
to the communist vote, was supported by parties not directly committted to
Marxism. As it turned out, while leading the other candidates, Allende received
only 36.3% of the votes, compared to the 38.7% he had obtained in the previous
elections. Therefore, in the 1970 presidential elections there was a drop in
the overall Marxist vote; for, even joined by other forces, its percentage of
the total vote was smaller than it had been in 1964. Had it not been for a
political division among the other candidates, the semi‑veiled but in any
case scandalous support of the Chilean hierarchy and clergy led by Cardinal
Silva Henriquez (who went so far as to authorize Catholics to vote for the
Marxist candidate), and finally, the shameful handing over of power to Allende
by the Christian Democrats when the Congress had to make a choice between the
two leading candidates, communism would have never won in Chile.
Furthermore, it should be noted that the leftist
coalition failed to obtain a majority of the vote in the subsequent elections
even though these elections were not held in an atmosphere of real freedom.
Campaigning was restricted by the government. Besides vigorously applying
whatever means of "persuasion" it had at its disposal, the government
directly pressured newspaper and magazine editors, as well as radio and
television stations through arbitrary investigations, in one instance by
seizing control of stock and even closing some of them. Therefore, there was
no possibility of holding a really free electoral campaign. The rank‑and‑file
voter of the opposition ‑ whose voice is obviously very important in an
election ‑ was deprived of the information necessary to make his free
choice (cf. our articles "In Chile, a Tie Under Pressure," and
"Neither Real Victory Nor Free Election" in Folha de S. Paulo, 4/11/71 and 4/18/71).
The many upheavals of the people indignant with the
misery resulting from the application of communist principles to the Chilean
economy was a very clear indication of how they would have voted if there had
been free elections in the months prior to the overthrow and suicide of
Allende.
For all these reasons, the Chilean case, like the one
of Poland, is not a valid argument against the affirmation that a Communist
Party has never obtained a majority in truly free elections.
· If its methods of persuasion have been so
insufficient so far, to what does communism owe its position as a great force
in today's world? Certainly not to the efficacy of its methods, which
continuously fail to convince public opinion.
The first and most striking factor of the success of
communism has been violence. it was imposed on Russia by a revolution. In other
European countries, Russia, one of the victors of World War II, established
communism by brute force. Violence alone, however, was not enough. Would Russia
have succeeded in defeating the Nazi invader if it did not have the help of
the Allies? The Russian armies suffered a shameful defeat at the hands of tiny
Finland in 1939. How can one be sure that they could have conquered powerful
Germany all by themselves?
Military support during the Second World War was by no
means the only benefit communism received from the West. The disastrous
policies of the late president Rossevelt at Teheran and Yalta complemented by
the enigmatic follies of the Marshall mission in China, contributed immensely
to Soviet expansion. As late as 1957, Fidel Castro sensed the unpopularity of
communism so well that he posed as a Catholic during the whole civil war in
tiny Cuba, certain that he would not reach power otherwise. Only after seizing
the reins of state did Castro tear off his mask.
All this shows that the communists would by no means
have achieved the successes of which they now boast if they had always
confronted resolute and perspicacious leaders.
Consequently, communism reached its current degree of
power by violence, astuteness, and fraud, rather than by an ideological victory
over the masses.
· Still, the scope of their successes should not be
overestimated. Indeed, if after having been imposed on some countries,
communism had at least been able to conquer the minds and hearts of the people,
why would it need a huge police apparatus to remain in power? Why is it
obliged to control its borders so strictly? Why is it that in spite of so many
controls there is a continuous flow of refugees who face the greatest risks to
go across the Iron Curtain?
B. Failure in Organizing and Fostering Production
Communism, which never succeeded in convincing or
genuinely conquering, has also proven incapable of organizing and producing.
Its inferiority in relation to the West in this respect is admitted by the communists
themselves. Kruschevites and post-Kruschevites proclaim the need for fundamental
reforms in Russia's economic structure in order to increase production.
According to them, these reforms must allow more free enterprise. In other
words, the communists hope to improve productivity by applying a principle
fundamentally opposed to their doctrine. It is easy to see how this failure
discredits communism both with the peoples it dominates and with world public
opinion.
6. The Uselessness of Nuclear Power in Communist
Expansion Through Violence
This impotence in explicit ideological persuasion and
economic production naturally presents countless difficulties for the Marxist
plan of world hegemony, reducing the specter of its irresistible power to much
more modest proportions. In one point and one point only can the communist
danger seem great to the eyes of all peoples: brandishing the threat of a
nuclear hecatomb, perhaps on a worldwide scale. If communism is nothing as a
constructive force, it is something as a destructive force.
Although it is well known that Russia's atomic
capability is inferior to America's, through its own natural disposition
Russia, as a thermonuclear power, constitutes a greater threat to the world
than any other nation. Indeed, by their very nature, the forces of disorder and
revolution are less reluctant (if at all) than the forces of order to resort to
destruction to achieve their plans. The normal tendency of a highway robber
hidden in ambush is to attack. His victim tends to flee rather than fight back.
Thus, there is a greater risk of an atomic hecatomb being unleashed by the
Soviets or the Chinese than by some nation of the West.
What is this sole point of intrinsically negative
superiority worth to communist expansion? Will they overcome the obstacles to
this expansion? What would a thermo‑nuclear conflict bring to the communists
themselves? Though perhaps victorious initially, they would become the main
victims of the hecatomb they themselves unleashed; since their power is
inferior to their adversaries', soon after their aggression they would probably
suffer reprisals greater than the harm they might have caused, and would
finally lose the war.
Indeed, nothing is less probable than a communist
victory. And if they did attain a victory, what would be left for them but a
world in which the United States and Europe would be reduced to an immense
mountain of ruins? How could they build, on these smoking and shapeless ruins,
the edifice of socialism which Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and Kruschev longed so much
to see constructed with a most perfect and advanced technology, able in a
word, to compete with America's? Just recently, Pravda, the official organ of the Russian Communist Party's
Central Committee, affirmed: "In politics it often happens that the
defeats experienced by one side are not necessarily equivalent to victories of
the other. The most surprising instance is that of a thermonuclear war, which
would be worth nothing to the socialist bloc, even though imperialism were
literally pulverized by it" (Pravda,
Jan. 6, 1975, from an AFP telegram
of the same date to 0 Estado de S. Paulo).
This is an acknowledgment of how deadly a hypothetical Soviet thermonuclear
victory over the West would be for the communist nations themselves.
7. Communist Imperialism in an Impasse
In view of all this, one concludes that in spite of
all appearances to the contrary, the global expansion of communism faces most
serious difficulties deriving from profound causes, some difficult, others
impossible to eliminate. Furthermore, one perceives that the communist plan of
universal domination faces considerable risks of failure.
8. A New Way Out of
the Impasse: The Technique of Implicit Persuasion
Communism fears to venture into the path of violence.
However, explicit persuasion as
promoted by the Communist Parties of different countries, has not led to
encouraging results. As we have seen, the masses have been unresponsive to this
technique.
Since neither violence nor explicit persuasion will work, the way out
for communism must be a new method.‑ that of implicit persuasion. This is the central point that must be insistently
brought to the attention of the public.
9. Conditions Favoring
the Communist Technique of Implicit Persuasion
What is there in the Western mentality that this
method of implicit persuasion can exploit?
Two factors make western mentalities especially
vulnerable to this action.
A. Fear
Man's instinct of self‑preservation is very
strong. Therefore, fear is an
extremely important factor in his mentality. The figure of the communist
aggressor, as imagined by the vast masses of the Free World, continues to
exert all its power of intimidation, whether it be a bearded, dirty, shabby
revolutionary thirsty for blood and vengeance or a cold‑blooded,
heartless soldier ready to set off an atomic missile. Innumerable people are
thus consciously or unconsciously influenced by a desire to surrender nearly
everything to avoid civil war or thermonuclear catastrophe.
B. Sympathy
Furthermore, communism is not really the antithesis of
what many anticommunists believe; rather, it is merely the ultimate expression
‑ more consistent and daring ‑ of certain principles they
themselves accept. Liberalism, which triumphed with the French Revolution,
sowed the seeds of communism throughout the West.[3]
As a consequence, the fear of
communism is often accompanied by a certain sympathy for some of its aspects. There are ardent anticommunists
who are more revolted by the violent methods and the dictatorial character of
present‑day Bolshevik regimes than by the final goals of communism. They
naively feel that if the West attains such goals by bloodless methods, thereby
achieving complete equality of wealth and social standing, then justice,
affluence, and peace will finally reign in the world.[4]
C. The Fear‑Sympathy
Syndrome
In the very
psychology of countless persons in the West there is an interplay of forces which we will call the fear‑sympathy
syndrome. It arouses in influential, economic, political, intellectual, and
even religious sectors of society a propensity to make an accommodation with
communism.[5]
10. Defeatism Vs. Love of True Peace
This propensity is clearly not to be confused with
the noble desire, common to all upright minds, to preserve peace by means of
legitimate negotiations and judicious accords that do not entail a
renunciation of the fundamental principles of Christian Civilization.
Unperceived ideological persuasion goes much further than this by inducing
the West to desire a semi‑communist regime in order to eliminate, in its
relations with the other side of the Iron Curtain, the friction caused by the
stark contrasts between the communist regimes and those in the Free World,
thus facilitating an accommodation between the two sides.
11. Fear‑Sympathy, Implicit and Explicit
Persuasion United at the Service of Communism
While fear and sympathy seem incompatible, they are
not so in the present psychological situation of the West. In a word, communism
does not need to stop intimidating in order to attract sympathies or vice‑versa.
It is in its interest to maintain all its reputation as a destructive power.
This reputation helps communism to soften the
resistance of many adversaries, making them inclined to accommodate. The
accomplishment of this psychological goal accentuates in these adversaries a
certain sympathy for some aspects of Marxism, preparing them to accept this or
that capitulation as a lesser evil, or a tolerable one.
It does not follow that communist parties around the
world will gradually give up their explicit proselytism. Organized and dynamic
parties serve communism as precious factors of intimidation and schools of
formation for the leaders of future Marxist regimes.
Put simply, communism no longer expects to conquer
world public opinion through its parties in the Free World, but rather through
the technique of implicit persuasion.
12. Looking Towards Chapter II
We have seen how communism must renounce explicit
doctrinal preaching as its principal means of conquering the world and how it
now has an opportunity to carry out an implicit ideological action. We have
also indicated the vulnerable points which can be successfully exploited by
this implicit action in view of the state of mind in important sectors of the
Free World. We now must make clear what this implicit action is by analyzing
unperceived ideological transshipment.
CHAPTER II
UNPERCEIVED IDEOLOGICAL TRANSSHIPMENT
In order to get a precise focus on what unperceived
ideological transshipment is, we must first show how, as a method of
persuasion, it differs from the "classical" methods of a Communist
Party.
1. The "Classical" Communist Technique of Persuasion
As a rule, a Communist Party is formed with a nucleus
of intellectuals or semi-intellectuals who stir up or exploit various factors
of discontent and agitation. This is done through well‑known methods ‑
individual recruiting in universities, unions, armed forces and so on,
lectures and speeches, the press, radio, television, theater and the cinema.
Once the climate has been prepared, the initial handful of adepts begins to
expound communist doctrine openly. Sometimes bold, sometimes cautious, they
will do so immediately or wait according to circumstances. This indoctrination
forms a group of fanaticized recruits. The party is established; during this
first phase it stirs up, stimulates, and recruits all the
"Bolshevizable" people in the circles in which it is acting, people
who are predisposed to adhere to communism on account of multiple ideological,
moral, and economic factors.
But experience shows that after a time these first and
sometimes rapid successes of the Marxist technique of persuasion stop. Once the
"Bolshevizables" of a certain circle are recruited, the ranks of the
party grow only step by step as society, in its gradual process of ideological,
moral, and economic deterioration,
"prepares" new contaminable prospects. Naturally, communist
propaganda can accelerate this process of deterioration, increasing the number
of individuals assimilable by the party. But they are normally a minority.
While communism fills its ranks with this minority, its propaganda collides
with an unresponsive majority.
How can communism conquer this majority?
2. The Various Shades of Public Opinion and Unperceived Ideological
Transshipment
To answer this question, one must first realize that
this majority is made up of three different types of people: those in some
measure sympathetic to communism, those categorically opposed to it, and those
only vaguely opposed to it who do nothing.
Communist strategy is appropriately adapted to each
one of these types:
· Those partly
sympathetic to communism are influenced by communist proselytism, but not
completely won over. They accept something of Marxism, especially its hostility
to Religion, tradition, family, and property. Even so, they do not take their
hostility to its ultimate consequences. These are the socialists and progressivists
of all shades, some of whom are I useful idiots" while others are actually
accomplices of communism. The communists try to gather the "useful
idiots" into not specifically Marxist leftist groups. They try to place
their accomplices in as many key positions as possible in such groups. Communism
uses these groups as allies in the struggle to demolish the existing order of
things and to seize power. Once this result is obtained, these unfortunate
accomplices will be cast aside, persecuted and destroyed if they do not join
the Communist Party immediately and subject themselves to it without
reservation.
· The communists
find it necessary to attack those categorically hostile to, and frequently even
militant against communism with a total psychological offensive aiming at
disorganizing, discouraging and reducing them to inaction. Taking action
against anticommunist leaders is especially useful. They must feel spied upon
both inside and outside their organizations, surrounded by traitors, divided
among themselves, misunderstood, defamed and isolated from other currents of
opinion, excluded from the country's key positions and means of publicity, and
so persecuted in their professional activities that, having barely enough time
to provide for their own subsistence, they are prevented from acting
effectively against Marxism.
Communism also
frequently uses threats of personal retaliation against them and their families
to impede the action of these brave men.
· The majority
within the majority, so to speak, is made up of people indifferent to the
problem of communism, unfriendly to it in different degrees, but who have no
militant hostility toward it. Since they show themselves intractable to every
technique of explicit persuasion, communism is left with only one way to
attract them: the technique of implicit persuasion. Naturally, for this
operation to be possible, the communist party must stay out of sight. It has to
pick agents posing as noncommunists or even as anti-communists to act in the
various sectors of society. The less they are suspected of being communists,
the more efficient they are likely to be. On the level of individual activism,
for example, a prominent capitalist, an important local politician, an
aristocrat or a priest are much more useful than a simple merchant or a
laborer.
Much can be done in favor of communism in this sector
of public opinion through political parties, newspapers, and other means of
publicity which appear absolutely unaffected by communism but do not focus on
the struggle against it as a necessity of continued and capital importance.
Such persons, political parties, and media lend a
prime and precious cooperation to communism simply by maintaining a climate of
superficiality and an easy and carefree optimism regarding the communist
threat. This atmosphere makes anticommunist organizations appear emotional and
extremist to the greater part of the public that could and should support them.
Furthermore, the failure to warn the public about the present seriousness of
the communist danger prevents the indifferent from becoming antagonistic to
communism and the non‑militant anti-communists from entering the fight.
These two results are precious to Marxism, sparing it great harm. While the
Marxists recruit their militants, penetrate or establish organizations of
“useful idiots," and freely carry on their continuous and inexorable work
of destruction, the greater part of public opinion that would react if it
realized the real seriousness of the danger, shuts its eyes, crosses its arms,
and gives the adversary free rein.
This is a considerable accomplishment, but it is not
enough for communism. Unable to conquer this majority, communism lulls it to
sleep; as long as it is unable to conquer it, communism will be forced to
advance slowly. And, if some day this advance matures and becomes undisguisable,
this inattentive and distracted majority might be jolted out of its slumber and
join the fight.
Thus, the red sect cannot be content with exercising
the above described neutralizing and anesthetizing action over this important
sector of public opinion.
Communism was very successful in founding parties
practically all over the world, in organizing the left under its command, and
in dismantling and neutralizing countless anticommunist organizations. But
communism failed when it attempted to make the majorities accept its doctrine.
These are the same majorities that communism must persuade, more than
neutralize, to win its great battle in our times.
Now, unperceived ideological transshipment is the
technique of implicit persuasion most suited to the state of mind of today's
majority.
3. The Method of Unperceived Ideological Transshipment:
Its Three Intensities and Phases
The method of unperceived ideological transshipment
has three possible degrees of intensity and three phases. The intensity of its
effects can be just as varied.
The first phase of this method is completely
preparatory. It consists in using the fear‑sympathy syndrome to prepare
the sectors of opinion likely to be alarmed and react at the advance of
communism, to take an attitude of inertia and even resignation. We dealt with
this phase in the last chapter (item 9). Unperceived ideological transshipment
reaches its lowest intensity in this phase.
This intensity increases in the next phase. Without
perceiving it, the patient of the transshipment process, whether an individual,
a group, or a large sector of opinion, changes from an attitude of resignation
to a somewhat favorable attitude of expectancy. The fruit of the process is no
longer preparatory and negative; it now has something positive.
Finally, when it succeeds in transforming the
sympathizer into a dedicated follower, the transshipment process reaches its
full intensity and produces its characteristic result.
4. Definition of Unperceived Ideological
Transshipment: Its Artifices
Essentially, the process of unperceived ideological
transshipment consists in acting upon someone's mind to make him change his
ideology without perceiving it.
Several different artifices can be used to obtain this
result.
Usually, these artifices are:
a) Finding, in the ideological system the patient
currently accepts, points of affinity with the desired ideological system;
b) Over‑emphasizing those points of affinity,
from the standpoint of doctrine and emotion, so that the patient puts them
above all the other ideological values he accepts;
c) De‑emphasizing as much as possible the
patient's adhesion to doctrinal principles which might be irreconcilable with
the ideology to which he is being transshiped;
d) Attracting the patient's sympathy for the militants
and leaders of the desired ideological movement, making him see them as
soldiers of the over‑emphasized principles in item "b";
e) To go from this sympathy to cooperation in
achieving goals common to the patient and his former doctrinal adversaries, or
to fight an ideology or a current of opinion inimical to both;
f) Thence giving the patient the conviction that the
over‑emphasized principles are more consistent with the ideology of his
new friends and brothers in the struggle than with his former ideology;
g) At this point, the patient's mentality will have
been changed, and his assimilation by the new ideology will only encounter
secondary obstacles.
During nearly this whole process, the patient:
‑ will not realize that his ideas are changing,
and when he finally does realize it, he won't be frightened;
‑ imagines that he is acting on his own from
start to finish, unconscious that he is being maneuvered.
Thus, he is gradually transformed from an adversary
into a sympathizer and finally a follower.
5. A Concrete Example
of Unperceived Ideological Transshipment
Now we will briefly illustrate how a person hostile
to communism can be unconsciously transshipped to it through the widely
diffused trilogy of the French Revolution.
"Liberty, Equality, Fraternity:" Obviously,
none of these words has an intrinsically bad meaning. However, they can be
easily abused.
If a patient's passion for Liberty is taken to an extreme through clever propaganda, a
disorderly desire for a state of affairs without government or laws is created
in him. Fallen human nature easily tends towards this, and the ideological
germs bequeathed to the world by the French Revolution are fraught with
stimuli toward it. According to the theoreticians of Marxism, Liberty is the end term to which the
communist state should lead in its last phase.
The exacerbation of the appetite for Equality ‑ so easily produced by
man's tendency to envy and revolt ‑ logically leads to the hatred of all
social and economic hierarchy and to the total egalitarianism inherent to the
communist regime once it enters the phase of state capitalism and dictatorship
of the proletariat.
Once the idea of Fraternity
is overemphasized, one soon comes to hate everything that separates men
and distinguishes them in a proportionate and legitimate way, and finally, to
anxiously desire the abolition of all countries to establish a universal republic:
another objective of communism.
The reason we chose these three yearnings as an
example is that we believe they play a role of capital importance in the
Bolshevization of the West. Once these values have been over‑emphasized
in someone's mind and an unbalanced emotional climate created around them, it
is easy to lead him, stage by stage, to a liberal and egalitarian reformism.
This increasingly radical reformism first induces sympathy and cooperation with
communists, finally leading to the acceptance of communism as the absolute and
perfect realization of Liberty, Equality,
and Fraternity.
6. Reform of
Structures, An Indispensable Tool in Unperceived Ideological Transshipment
With the above example, one can easily see how much
unperceived ideological transshipment, itself a process of ideological action
over public opinion, can be helped by so‑called reforms of structure.
Liberalism and especially egalitarianism can and have
inspired laws leading to an ever more revolutionary transformation of the
institutions and life of many countries.
Under the laudable pretext of destroying excessive
inequalities and privileges, one can go farther by gradually abolishing
legitimate privileges and inequalities indispensable to the dignity of the
human person and the common good. As the steam roller of egalitarianism becomes
heavier and more destructive through socialist and egalitarian reforms such as
agrarian reform, urban renewal, corporate and industrial reform,[6]
society as a whole draws closer to the communist ideal. And to the degree that
public opinion becomes accustomed to this, it too will become communist (cf. The Church and the Communist State: The
Impossible Coexistence, in Crusade
for a Christian Civilization, vol. 6, July‑Oct. 1976, item VI, p. 27).
One can see how socialist and confiscatory reforms of structure amount to
indirect action over public opinion, which gradually becomes communist without
perceiving it.[7]
7. An Objection: The Incompatibility
of Liberalism with Socialism
One might object to the above considerations about
the so‑called reforms of structure,
by saying that they are socialist inspired. Now, if liberalism appears to
be exactly the opposite of socialism, how can one claim it has a role in these
transformations?
True, since liberty naturally produces inequality, an
egalitarian state of affairs would require rigid State control. However,
communists don't see it this way. For them, the total authoritarianism inherent
to the dictatorship of the proletariat should establish equality between men
once and for all. Once this goal is reached, political power should disappear,
giving way to an entirely anarchical state of affairs in which complete freedom
will no longer engender inequalities. For communists, the incompatibility between
liberty and equality is only temporary. Liberty is provisionally sacrificed
under the dictatorship of the proletariat in order to establish total equality.
This, however, prepares the anarchical era in which full equality will exist
side by side with total freedom. Communist authoritarianism is therefore ultra‑liberal
in spirit and purpose.
Moreover, from the standpoint of family and morality,
liberalism in the capitalist regime prepares the ground for communism. The
home is effectively destroyed to the degree that moral liberalism facilitates
divorce, adultery, and the revolt of children and domestic servants. Mentalities
thus become gradually accustomed to a state of affairs in which the family no
longer exists. In other words, public opinion moves toward the
"ideal" of free love inherent to communism.
8. What's New About
Unperceived Ideological Transshipment?
The shifting of Western Christian society from one
leftist position to the next on the road to Marxism is an old and deeprooted
phenomenon. It essentially constitutes a more or less unperceived ideological
transshipment to communism, a transshipment which this Christian society has
been lamentably undergoing for centuries.
The phenomenon is therefore not new.
What is new, however, is the aspect that it assumes by
virtue of the very special effort that certain circles make, through various
artifices, to give this process an unprecedented speed. Furthermore, this
shift is no longer produced in stages, from center to left or from a moderate
left to one more radical, but from the center or the moderate left to a
categorically communist state of affairs.
Today this process shows something new, which was
barely visible in the past: a bright red color. Not only is it carried on
through modern artifices, but it tends to Marxism radically and directly, and
is marked by an unprecedented haste. Unperceived ideological transshipment is
new above all in that it no longer plays the secondary role of a collateral
tool, but has now become the tactic most used by communism for the ideological
conquest of the world.[8]
CHAPTER III
THE TALISMANIC WORD, A STRATAGEM OF
UNPERCEIVED IDEOLOGICAL TRANSSHIPMENT
In the previous chapter we studied the process of
unperceived ideological transshipment. Now we turn to the talismanic word.
1. A Most Effective Stratagem
The stratagem we refer to as the talismanic word[9]
is one of the most efficient means to carry out unperceived ideological
transshipment.
It essentially consists in acting over the minds of
individuals, groups, or large communities in a very sui generis way, by applying
certain elastic words with a very astute technique.
2. Method of Utilization
The method of carrying out unperceived ideological
transshipment through the talismanic word can be described in general terms,
even though it necessarily requires adaptations to each concrete case.
For convenience's sake, we will present this method as
applied to a small group. Naturally, this method can be applied by a person
acting individually over another or by a small group acting over a possibly
much larger group.
This method's application is developed processively as
follows.
A. A Point of
Impressionability
To begin with, this method presupposes that those to
whom it will be applied have a special
sensitivity to a certain subject.
* As far as social problems are concerned, this
sensitivity could react to, for instance:
‑ a notorious injustice, such as can happen
with certain privileges associated with class;
‑ a particularly dreadful risk, like that of a
social revolution;
- a disaster like famine or disease.
* Regarding ideological problems ‑philosophy,
religion, etc. ‑ the sensitive point could be:
‑ the misfortune of those who are in error such
as heretics, Jews, pagans, and other separated brethren,[10]
and the urgent need to enlighten and teach them;
‑ the possibility of an imminent victory, on a
local or global scale, of an erroneous ideology such as Marxism, with the whole
sequence of religious, cultural and moral consequences that it entails;
‑ the risk that the growing clash of opposed
ideologies and regimes may aggravate the dangerous tensions tormenting the
contemporary world to the point of causing a thermo‑nuclear war.
B. A Point of Apathy
This method also presupposes a point of apathy or indifference
symmetrical to the point of impressionability in those to whom it will be
applied.
* Regarding social questions, the symmetrical point
can be, for example:
‑ insensitivity to injustices no less notorious
or numerous than those of certain rightly detested privileges. To illustrate,
we here recall the most serious and widespread injustices caused by the gradual
but systematic grinding away of the rights of persons, families, social groups,
and regions, brought about by the massification of contemporary societies (or,
as Pius XII put it in his celebrated Christmas Radio Message of 1944, by the
transformation of people into masses, cf. Discorsi e Radiomessaggi, Vol. VI, p. 239).
This massification can happen by the transformation of
customs, by the action of socialist laws that are becoming more numerous in non‑communist
countries, or by the implantation of the so‑called dictatorship of the
proletariat. Thus, not only legitimate and invaluable personal, familiar, or
regional peculiarities are mercilessly destroyed, but also harmonious,
organic, cultural or social inequalities based on just motives of the
intellectual, patrimonial, or moral order are sacrificed to what many call
"socialization;"
‑ insensitivity to the consideration that, if a
social revolution is a very grave evil, it is usually so above all because of
unjust and pernicious objectives. Nothing is more absurd than wanting to avoid
the revolution at any price, making the revolution therefore from top to
bottom and thereby reaching precisely the destructive and unjust objectives
one was trying to avoid.
In other words, it is absurd to bring about from the
top, through the initiative of the natural defenders of order, the
"reforms" communism would make from the bottom since this would mean,
for the whole social body, "propter vitam, vivendi perdere causas" ‑
to lose the reasons for living for the sake of life itself (Juvenal, Sat. VIII,
84).
‑ Insensitivity to the fact that, if one should
do everything possible against hunger and sickness ‑ considered here as
social evils ‑ in no way should one try to do the impossible, the
utopian, since this would only sooner or later aggravate the very same evils
one desires to vanquish. In many instances, profound and lasting solutions for
this kind of social evil are slow. This does not mean that one should not
hasten to apply them. But it is necessary to apply these solutions with
redoubled concern in order to prevent the natural delay of the cure from being
added to the censurable slow‑down resulting from our negligence. But one
must frequently give up the impatient desire for immediate results. This
desire, in effect, exposes us to the risk of preferring, rather than authentic
solutions, the violent panaceas extolled
by demagogy and effective only in appearance.
* As far as ideological problems are concerned, the
symmetrical points can be:
‑ Insensitivity to the risks of intemperate
apostolic zeal. Since knowing the true Religion is the greatest happiness,
those who do not know it are certainly to be greatly pitied. And those who use
all means to bring our separated brethren to the unity of the Faith are to be
praised. Therefore, we would run a serious risk if any action to this end were
wanting on our part because of indifference or ignorance. However, we must not
be insensitive to possible risks from the other side, that is, from the
disorderly ardor of the apostle and from the naturalistic character of his
methods. Disorderly zeal and naturalism can inspire the use of illegitimate
techniques to attract non‑Catholics, techniques such as confused
terminology, implicit or explicit doctrinal concessions, etc.
Considering only the apostolic efficiency of these
illegitimate ruses, we should point out that the keenest and most consistent
minds among our separated brethren observe them carefully. The best and most
approachable non‑Catholics are the very ones who most carefully watch us
in order to judge us according to our sincerity and consistence in the faith we
profess. To see that we confide more in morally doubtful techniques than in the
supernatural in our eagerness to obtain conversions can only cause them sadness
and turn them away. We should not be insensitive, then, to these many risks.
Finally, and above all, we cannot be indifferent to
the risk of exposing our own Catholic brethren to doubts about their faith,
persuading them ‑ under the guise of peaceful coexistence with our
separated brethren ‑ to attend conferences and lectures, and to read
books or participate in meetings in which heresy, schism, atheism, or moral
corruption might enter their souls.[11]
We should be even more vigilant about the preservation of Catholics than about
the conversion of infidels, since in the hierarchy of the love of neighbor, no
one deserves more love than the brother who participates in the same faith, as
Saint Paul says: "Then while there is time, let us do good to everyone,
but principally to our brothers in the faith" (Gal. 6:10);
‑
Insensitivity to the illicitness of renouncing some supreme and undeniable principles, and of accepting some Marxist
errors, to prevent a total Marxist victory.
The victory of
Marxism is undoubtedly the cause of catastrophic misfortunes. But our worst risk is not to be conquered by it in
the military or political fields, but to kneel before
the conqueror. To accept a modus vivendi that
might mean renouncing prin ciples
to avoid the fatal consequences of our defeat, to renounce expressly or tacitly
the institution of private property, for example,
in order to obtain freedom of worship (cf. The
Church and the Communist State: The Impossible Coexistence, in Crusade, Vol. VI, July‑Oct. 1976) ‑
is a thousand times more lamentable
than suffering the persecution brought on by a noble
and virtuously faithful position on orthodoxy.
- Insensitivity to the risk of communism dominating
the world before the silence and inertia
of Christians. If the communists brutally present us with the alternative of giving up the battle against their
errors or accepting the risk of war, they implicitly require us to choose
between the fulfillment of our duty as Christians or real apostasy. In that
case, we must say like St. Peter that, whatever
the cost, "It is more important to obey God than men" (Acts, 5:29).
C. A Talismanic Word
At this initial position, in which the patient is at
the mercy of his one‑sided state of
mind and already prepared for the psychological action that he is about to undergo, the use of a well‑chosen word
can produce surprising effects. This word is the talismanic word.
This is a word whose legitimate meaning is congenial
and, at times, even noble; but it is also a word that has some elasticity.
When it is used tendentiously, it begins to shine with a new radiance,
fascinating the patient and taking him much farther than he could have
imagined.
Twisted out of shape and distorted, wholesome and even
dignified words have been used to label a number of mistakes, errors and
blunders. We could even say that the effects of this technique are more harmful
when the word being abused is more elevated and dignified ‑
"corruptio optimi pessima." Some words with a dignified connotation
that have been transformed into deceitful talismans and placed at the service
of error are: social justice, ecumenism, dialogue, peace, irenicism, and
coexistence.
D. Stirring Up a Network of Sympathies and Phobias
Thus charged
with a new spirit, each of these words raises up a network of impressions,
emotions, sympathies, and phobias in persons with the states of mind described
in items A and B. As shown below, this network orients the victims toward new
ideological directions: philosophical relativism, religious syncretism,
socialism, the policy of the extended hand, open cooperation with communism
and finally, the acceptance of Marxist doctrine.
E. Great Propaganda
Qualities
The prestige of propaganda leads the victim of the
transshipment process to become more and more attracted to these new
ideological paths. The talismanic words correspond to what the media generally
considers modern, pleasant and attractive. Thus, the lecturers, speakers, or
writers who use these words do so for the sole reason of seeing their chances
of a good reception in the press, radio, or television considerably enhanced.
For this reason the person listening to the radio or the television or reading
the newspaper will find these words used everywhere in every possible way,
with growing repercussion in his soul.
F. Whose Elasticity Is Used for Propaganda Effects
The propagandistic quality of the talismanic word
leads the writer, speaker, and lecturer to the temptation of using it with increasing frequency for every
application, and even when it is not applicable, thus making himself more
easily applauded. And in order to increase the opportunities of using such
words, he uses them in analogous and successively broader ways, stretching
their natural elasticity almost to absurdity.
G. Susceptible to
Being Radicalized
With such a great range of uses for the talismanic
word, the bolder uses cause the more moderate, sensible, and current ones to
fall into disuse. Those who formerly would use the talismanic word with a
slightly deformed meaning, or applaud its use as if it were a new plaything,
will begin to applaud and use it in more and more exaggerated senses, until it
reaches a climax. This is the phenomenon of the
radicalization of the talismanic word.
H. Thus Achieving Unperceived Ideological Transshipment
This very process of radicalizing the talismanic word
causes the unperceived ideological transshipment of those who use it.
Fascinated by the word, they quickly accept as supreme and ardently professed
ideals the successively more radical meanings that it assumes.
With the force of values accepted as supreme, these
ideals in turn gradually produce in the victim of the transshipment process
all the interior and exterior changes of attitude toward his former adversary,
described in the previous chapter (item 4).
This is how the talismanic word is used to unleash the process of
unperceived ideological transshipment and bring it to a close.
3. How to Prevent the
Success of this Stratagem
The reader will naturally ask if there is any way to
prevent the success of the stratagem we just described.
There is a way. It is easily understood, provided that
one keeps in mind some characteristics of the talismanic word.
A. The Talismanic Word Resists Being Made Explicit
The radicalized talismanic word resists being made
explicit. Its real power lies in the emotion which it excites. Reflection, drawing
towards the talismanic word the analytic attention of whoever uses or hears it,
would disturb and impede ipso facto the
sensible and imaginative fruition of the word. Keeping its meaning obstinately
implicit, the talismanic word thus continues to be a vehicle and a hiding place
for its increasing emotional content.
B. Analysis "Exorcises" the Magic Power of the Talismanic Word
The action of the talismanic word can be
"exorcised" through its analysis. Thus, one understands the utility of this study, which is to make
available to those who are interested the means of arresting the process of
unperceived ideological transshipment by exorcising the talismanic word.
4. An Exception About
the Use of the Word Charged with a Talismanic Meaning
We are not suggesting here that one should never use
the word with talismanic meaning, but simply that it be used properly and
always in its natural and legitimate sense.
CHAPTER IV
AN EXAMPLE OF THE
TALISMANIC WORD: "DIALOGUE"
Perhaps the summary points presented above seem to be
too abstract. Therefore, in this chapter we
will illustrate how the talismanic word is used by analyzing how one of
them, "dialogue," is utilized to carry on the unperceived ideological
transshipment towards Hegelian relativism and Marxism.
1. Legitimate Meanings
of "Dialogue"
A. Method
To describe the process of unperceived ideological
transshipment carried out through the changing talismanic meanings of the word
"dialogue," it is necessary:
‑ to make a preliminary study of its natural and
legitimate meanings;
‑ to show in which of them evolution towards the
first talismanic meaning occurs;
‑ to describe how successive talismanic meanings
are then engendered one from the other under the action of the fear‑sympathy
syndrome thus advancing the unperceived ideological transshipment.
B. Natural and
Legitimate Meanings
a) Preparatory
Character
This part of the study is preparatory in scope.
For the reader to thoroughly understand the precise
analysis of the talismanic process which we will make later on, it would be
helpful to:
‑ clearly distinguish, in light of the natural
and legitimate meanings of "dialogue," the difference between that in
which the first talismanic distortion occurs, and the others;
‑ keep clearly in mind the components of the
legitimate meaning in which the first distortion occurs to better understand
the transformations these elements undergo in each stage of the talismanic
radicalization.
b) The Multiplicity of Legitimate Meanings
Analyzing the current meanings of the word
"dialogue" and others connected with it, such as "dialectic ...
.. argument," "polemics," etc., we can see that they are often
very different and, from a certain point of view, sometimes contradictory. This
occurs in all circles, regardless of the degree of education. As the years
pass, the emotional burden associated with some of these words changes their
meaning, with the result that persons from different generations understand
them in different ways. From one region to another, and more justifiably, from
one country to another, perceptible variations of meaning at times occur.
Incidentally, this phenomenon is not confined to
common usage, since in philosophical language the word "dialectic,"
for example, has so many meanings that it is impossible to use it without
determining precisely which meaning it is to have (see "Dialectique,"
Vocabulaire Technique et Critique de la
Philosophie by A. Lalande).
c) How to Study These
Meanings
It seems that the best way to study the various
legitimate meanings of "dialogue" would be to list, study and compare
each of them with the others.
However, since the nature of this work is not
preponderantly linguistic, we will proceed quickly and clearly by showing a
basic element in the etymology of "dialogue" that appears in all its
accepted meanings, then classifying these latter according to the twofold
criterion that we will indicate later.
This method gives us a picture of the word's meanings
and allows us to put in the right perspective and with the necessary precision
the legitimate meanings that will be distorted by the talismanic process.
d) Criteria for
Classification
Classification of the different meanings of the word
"dialogue" is made:
‑ according to the objective of dialogue;
‑ in light of the consequences to dialogue
arising from the emotional attitude of those who dialogue.
With this it will be easy to see how a different
meaning corresponds to each of these modalities.
e) Terminology
It will be easier for the reader to follow our study
when each of these classified meanings is accompanied by a complementary
explicative word, a kind of terminology for greater clarity.
f) Selection of
Meanings
It is possible that some legitimate meanings of
"dialogue" are not included in this classification. It was not our
intention to consider all of them, but only those that are more pertinent to
the criteria of classification, that is, to the very nature of dialogue.
g) An Important
Reservation
It is easy to see that it matters little in understanding
our thesis if the reader prefers different classification criteria or is
disappointed at the lack of some other meaning of dialogue in ours.
Indeed, the classification we propose has a merely
propaedeutic character. Our exposition can be easily understood and followed
once the reader has in mind the several accepted meanings of
"dialogue" here made explicit with the help of the unvarying
complementary words of our terminology.
h) Etymology of
"Dialogue"
The Greek word dialogos
is composed of dia, meaning
"separation" or "disjunction," and logos, meaning "word." Thus "dialogue" is used
in Socrates and Plato to designate the form of intellectual elaboration that
two or more speakers, proceeding by questions and answers, use to distinguish
things according to their genus.[12]
Based on this etymology, it is easy to see how in all
the languages of the West the word "dialogue" (according to the dictionaries)
has come to broadly apply to any kind of conversation.[13]
i) Modalities of Dialogue According to its Objective
A distinction should first be made about dialogue in
the broad sense, the value of which will become apparent as the exposition
proceeds. According to its objective, dialogue:
1. is either such that the speakers do not intend to
change each other's persuasion, which can occur:
‑ ‑ when it merely seeks the exchange of
information or to entertain the parties (dialogue‑entertainment);
‑ when it seeks the collaboration of the parties
for the investigation or analysis of a matter that both understand
insufficiently (dialogue‑investigation);
2. Or, that the speakers differ on a certain subject
and each one seeks, by argument, to persuade the other to change his
conviction (argument).[14]
j) Corresponding Differences of Emotional Attitude
To these different intentions and objectives
correspond respectively diverse emotional attitudes in the persons who
dialogue:
1. When the speakers do not aim to change each other's
opinions, the emotional attitude is one of relaxation.
This relaxation is complete and continuous in
"dialogue‑ entertainment."
It is also complete in the case of "dialogue‑investigation;"
but as some accidental and transitory differences can arise during the
investigation, some passing tension might appear.[15]
2. In the case of "argument," the emotional
attitude of the speakers generally has a different character: differences of
conviction create a heterogeneity between the two that is in itself an
obstacle to their linking with one another; the argumentation which each one
uses to convince the other can easily provoke a tone of relations more or less
like a fight, depending on the case.
Thus, dialogue has two fundamental modalities: one
distinguished by its objective; the other by the emotional aspect of the
relationship of one speaker to the other.
k) Dialogue in the Broad Sense, the Strict Sense, and Argument
The word "argument" is entirely suited to
the mode of dialogue described above in point 2 of items (i) and (j).
But how does one designate the form of dialogue in
number (1) of those items? It is also called "dialogue" and there is
no word to distinguish it.
Along with the broad and etymological meaning already
analyzed, let a strict meaning of the word thus be formed to designate mode
no. (1) (which includes "dialogue-entertainment" and "dialogue‑investigation").
What is the position of the word "argument"
in view of these two meanings of "dialogue"? "Argument"
designates one of the modalities of dialogue in the broad sense.
"Argument" is the contrary of "dialogue"
in the strict sense of the word, just as the species within the genus are
distinguished and opposed.
l) Argument‑dialogue,
Argument Pure and Simple and Polemics
There are also distinctions to make regarding
argument, which has three degrees of intensity:
1. Argument can have an extremely serene and cordial
character, so that, while fully keeping the content of an argument, it has the
amenable appearance of dialogue in the strict sense. But since each speaker is
seeking to change the persuasion of the other, we should keep in mind that we
are witnessing a true argument and not a dialogue in the strict sense. This
mode of "argument" resembles dialogue in the strict sense only in
something accidental, that is, in its form and suavity. Thus, it is not only in
the broad sense that the term "dialogue" is applied to this type of
argument; it is also applied in a specific and particular way derived, as if
by osmosis or assimilation, from the mere accidental likeness of dialogue in
the strict sense to this mode of argument. We therefore call this argument‑dialogue."
2. In the second degree, argument has the normal
emotional warmth inherent to the interlocution in which each party wants to
change the persuasion of the other. To this mode ‑‑ which
corresponds to the ordinary meaning of the word "argument" ‑‑
we will give the name "argument pure and simple;"
3. Finally, argument can become very heated
emotionally, and in this case is called "polemics" (from the Greek polemos, war). Because of its
particular vehemence, polemics generally has a boisterous, noisy character and
easily falls into personal attack when dealing with doctrine.[16]
m) Schematic Diagram of the Legitimate Meanings of "Dialogue"
These notions of the different meanings of
"dialogue" are outlined below.
Dialogue in the strict sense ‑ Interlocution
in which each party does not aim to change the persuasion of the other. Relaxed
emotional attitude.
Dialogue in the broad and etymological sense ‑ Indicates any type of interlocution.
Argument ‑ Interlocution
in which each party tries to change the persuasion of the other. Emotional
attitude can easily be that of a fight.
Dialogue‑entertainment ‑ Aims to inform, entertain, etc. Emotional
attitude of total and continuous relaxation.
Dialogue‑investigation ‑ Aims to investigate, study, analyze.
Habitually, the emotional attitude is of relaxation. Nevertheless, accidental
and transitory tension is possible.
Argument‑dialogue ‑ Emotional warmth less than usual. The content is truly an
argument since it aims to change the persuasion of the interlocutor. It is
only called "dialogue" because of its accidental similarity to
dialogue in the strict sense.
Argument Pure and
Simple ‑ Emotional
warmth common to the pugnacity inherent to the interlocution in which each
party desires to change the persuasion of the other.
Argument‑Polemics
(or merely “polemics") ‑ Uncommonly heated emotionally, that is, particularly vehement
and boisterous.
n) Characteristic
common to the many meanings of "dialogue".*
Except when taken in the broad sense,
"dialogue" obviously carries a note of harmony, concord and peace in
its various applications.
This note of harmony is inherent to dialogue stricto‑sensu that is, to
dialogue-entertainment and dialogue‑investigation, to which an emotional
attitude of complete relaxation is proper.
As we have seen, argument can only be called
"dialogue" by analogy, when it has this note of harmony to an
outstanding degree, thus becoming argument‑dialogue. However mild it may
be, an argument-dialogue will never be a dialogue in the strict sense, a note
of pugnacity being inherent to all and any argument.
C. Pugnacity in the Several Modalities of Argument
What is the nature of this note of pugnacity? It is
intellectual when each party wields arguments with the intention of persuading
the other to, according to the formula of Saint Remigius, "Burn what you
adored and adore what you burned." It is volitive and emotional when the
heat of colliding wills and the stridency of different ways of feeling are
added to the clash of ideas.
D. Is There Anything Wrong with Argument Pure and Simple or Polemics as
Such?
Is this note of emotional, volitive, or intellectual
pugnacity an evil in itself? Do argument pure and simple and polemics have a pejorative
character? It is a must to answer these questions properly, for the stratagem
of the talismanic word "dialogue" is developed on the basis of false
answers that are given to them.
We are not considering the licitness of the almost
imperceptible note of pugnacity in argument‑dialogue.
First, we take a look at argument pure and simple.
a) The subject's
relation to original sin
Emotional, ideological, or volitive clashes are, in
themselves, fruits of original sin. It would be ideal if there never were
dissentions, disputes, or struggles among men.
But since original sin does exist, is argument pure
and simple profitable and legitimate? In principle, yes.
b) Logic, the way to conquer the truth and the good
It is necessary to realize the value of this mode of
argument if one admits the objective existence of truth and error, good and
evil, and the fittingness of logic to lead man to the understanding of truth
and free him from the snares of error, and lead him to love the good and save
him from the clutches of evil.
It is thus that one can do the greatest kindness to
another: free him from error and evil and give him the possession of the truth
and the good.
c) The influence of
emotional factors
Someone could say that argument pure and simple should
be cold and without passion.
Not in our opinion. Everyone is naturally attached to
his convictions, and thus generally gives them up reluctantly. This attachment
is much accentuated by the fact that certain convictions logically give rise to
a set of habits, a way of being, and a whole lifestyle. To change them causes a
man to undergo painful transformations in certain sensitive points. Moved by
the noble, orderly, and strong love that he has for the truth, or by the
miserable, tormented, and violent love that he has for error and evil, man does
not act like a cold reasoning machine when arguing. Thus man, when arguing,
engages himself totally, not just with his whole intelligence, but also with
the full strength of his will and the heat of his good or bad passions.
So, argument pure and simple does not consist merely
in argumentation, even though it may always maintain the primacy of reasoning,
which is its main reason for being and the better part of its dignity. It is
easy to see how argument pure and simple often has a salient note of emotional
combativity due to the indisputable right of virtue or to the frequent
interference of sin.
If it is true that sometimes argument pure and simple
becomes more dignified by clothing itself in noble and superior serenity, at
other times it is ennobled in the light of a fiery zeal for the truth and the
good.
d) Factors of Persuasion
Collateral to Argumentation
Sometimes the human spirit quite naturally begins to
realize the truth of a thesis, finding it pleasing or beautiful. As there is a
profound reversibility between the good, the true and the beautiful, love often
helps to perceive the truth. The persuasiveness of a person who argues is not
only in reasoning. It is also his whole way of being and speaking that often
allows the beauty or the goodness of the cause he upholds to come through. Now,
in praising the good and the beautiful, an emotional factor naturally appears
that easily causes argument pure and simple to grow more ardent, at times
becoming a polemic.
e) Legitimacy of Anger
in Argument Pure and Simple
Someone might say that the above arguments could open
the doors to anger, which should never happen in a conversation.
We just saw that man's passions have a legitimate
place in the clash of ideas. This is easily explained from the moral standpoint,
since no passions are evil in themselves; they are all neutral and can
legitimately influence argument pure and simple unless they become intemperate.
Anger is but one of these passions and, within the limits of temperance, can
put its particular mark to the clash of ideas. Incidentally, it must be said
that holy anger against error and evil can often increase perspicacity rather
than darken it, and so aid the lucidity of argument pure and simple.[17]
f) Pugnacity and
Contrast Are both Necessary to Demonstrate the Truth
To show how much a thesis is good, true, and beautiful
is often a difficult task. Just above, we spoke of the effects of original sin,
the habits and passions in the human spirit, and the crises that certain
changes of opinion can cause for man. Man frequently hesitates when he reaches
the vertex of these crises.
The contradiction between the ideas whose truth he
glimpses and the life he leads seems unbearable to him. The famous alternative
formulated by Paul Bourget suddenly appears in his path: Will he conform his
ideas to his actions or his actions to his ideas?[18]
In such dark and painful situations, one must clearly
avail oneself of all the really convincing resources of argumentation.
Doubtless one of these is contrast.
Saint Thomas teaches that one of the reasons that God
permits error and evil is to allow the splendor of the true and the good to
shine forth through contrast.[19]
It is in no way licit to disdain the use of contrast when arguing. This
recourse of the Divine Teacher is so precious that in the plans of Providence
it in some way compensates for the countless hindrances caused by the
existence of error and evil in this world. Now, how is contrast used except by
the open and categorical denouncement of everything false in error and censurable
in evil? It is not enough merely to praise the true and the good. In argument
pure and simple it is legitimate to develop a tone of pugnacity as fully as
possible. From this standpoint, it is legitimate to attack both false ideas
and persons.
... In Regard to Ideas
First, when attacking false ideas, to show how they
are erroneous, contradictory, and immoral produces a salutary impact in the
mind of whoever professes them, and thereby destroys a whole series of prejudices
and disorderly attachments. The light of truth and the good odor of virtue can
thus penetrate even a poor soul that shortly before was totally imprisoned by
evil.
... In Regard to Persons
Second, in the case of persons, when the attack is
made so as to point out only his error and sin, without unnecessarily touching
on other things, his eyes can be opened to his real state, efficaciously inviting
him to return to the truth and the good. If the attack happens in the presence
of third‑parties, not only is the scandal it could cause them
neutralized, but their love of the truth and the good can be increased through
contrast. Obviously, such attacks are justified only when they are really
necessary, and they must be made according to the rules of justice and charity
so that, however clear and profound they may be, they will not destroy the
person's dignity as a man and ultimately as a Christian.
Throughout history, when attacks of this nature have
been made at the right moment in dignified terms they have done much good even
when directed to potentates accustomed to especially respectful treatment. At
times they have done great good to those attacked, and have always been very
edifying for the people. Well known are the attacks of the Prophet Nathan
against David, Saint Ambrose against Emperor Theodosius, Saint Gregory VII
against Henry IV, and Pius VII against Napoleon. Many fruitful graces have
derived from this, both to keep souls from error and evil and to attract them
to the true and the good. Times change, but the profound order of things never
changes. Although certainly less manageable than potentates of former times,
even our contemporary totalitarian despots are not such that it can be said
that this kind of attack will never do them any good.
g) Artificiality of the Abolition of Argument Pure and Simple
As we said, argument pure and simple is not a mere
clash of arguments; in some aspects it is a clash of personalities.
In it there is a contact between souls such that they
have a real influence upon each other through insistence, repetition (which
Napoleon considered the best rhetorical figure), and the attraction or
repulsion of one contender for the other. In addition the interplay of these
factors makes this mode of interlocution similar to a tournament or a battle.
This enables one to see that argument pure and simple
corresponds to the profound and natural necessities of human convivium, and
that to cast it aside to reduce the forms of this convivium to merely dialogue
in the strict sense (or to argument‑dialogue) would be grave and
dangerously artificial.
h) Artificiality, the Cause of Confusion and Struggle
We call it dangerous because all artificiality is
dangerous. Indeed, once the forces of nature have been violated and cast out,
they return with redoubled strength: "Naturam expelles furca, tamen usque
recurret," said Horace tersely (Epist., 1, 10,24). By not fearing to fall
into artificiality because of a misconceived notion of harmony, one loses an
indispensable means for the elucidation of truth in human convivium. One thus
inevitably slips toward confusion, which is one of the deepest and most
sinister causes of disturbances, quarrels, and prolonged, inextricable and
hateful fights. It is known that nothing is more harmful to true peace ‑
the tranquility of order (cf. St. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, XIX, c. 13) ‑ than extinguishing among men the
true and the good, the sole foundations of this very order. Whoever denies the
licitness of argument pure and simple, thinking perhaps to work for harmony,
is in fact implanting the kingdom of discord.
i) Doesn't Argument Pure and Simple Destroy Charity?
Upon reading these considerations, more than one
reader influenced by the irenicism common in our times will feel an apprehension
rising from the depths of his soul: Are we not imprudent in praising argument
pure and simple? Even though we may be right in the abstract order of
principle, since this mode of interlocution can be abused so easily isn't it
better to eliminate it completely? "Abusus non tollit usum," answers
an old juridical proverb. If argument pure and simple is licit and has a
specific function in the natural order of things, it necessarily has a place in
the plans of Divine Providence. Tempus
tacendi et tempus loquendi ‑ "There is a time to keep silence
and a time to speak" (Eccle. 3:7). Applying this principle from Scripture,
we can say that there are occasions when it is better not to argue, but there
are others when one has the right and even the unrefusable obligation to argue.
This was the example our Divine Master gave us (cf. John 8 and ff.). Thus, to
never argue at all is a worse abuse than arguing badly a few times.
To present argument pure and simple as always being
illicit, dangerous, and harmful to souls as a measure of prudence is a real
doctrinal sleight of hand.
Moreover, if he who should argue is a Catholic, this
sleight of hand shows a symptom of accentuated naturalism, For if to argue is a
Catholic's right and even a duty, how can one admit that it is impossible,
with all the graces the Church gives, for him to do so according to the
principles of justice and charity? Doesn't Omnia possum in eo qui me comfortat (Philip.
4:13) ‑ "I
can do all things in him who strengthenest me" ‑ mean anything to
him?
j) Consequence: Argument
Pure and Simple Does Not Have a Necessarily Pejorative Character
No. It is inadmissible to condemn argument pure and
simple in thesis and to attribute a necessarily pejorative character to it.
k) Neither Do
"Polemics" Necessarily Have a Pejorative Character
All that we said about argument pure and simple
applies also to polemics. Polemics possess the pugnacity inherent to argument
pure and simple in the highest degree and can therefore have ‑ when they
are bad ‑ all the exacerbations that are censurable in argument pure and
simple. Analogously, when polemics are good they have all the qualities
inherent to a well‑conducted argument pure and simple in the highest
degree.[20]
This is the position we had the opportunity of sustaining more extensively in
the book, In Defense of Catholic Action (Editora
Ave Maria, Sâo Paulo, 1943), which in 1949
was praised in a letter written in the name of Pope Pius XII by the Under‑secretary
of State, Msgr. Giovanni Battista Montini, later Paul VI.
For those who think that what we say about good
polemics is strange, we will simply recall that, out of the evident wish of
Divine Providence for the good of souls, the Holy Ghost raised up eminent
polemists in the Church who enjoy the honor of being raised to the altar and
whose works constitute a legitimate glory of the Catholic Church and Christian
culture. Among these are Saint Jerome, Saint Augustine, Saint Bernard, and
Saint Francis de Sales.
1) Argument Pure and
Simple, Polemics, and Public Opinion
We could not end these considerations without making
an observation on the true dimension of the problems raised when dealing with
argument pure and simple and polemics. Generally, these problems are treated by
taking into account only the speakers who argue or debate. When because of the
theme, argument pure and simple or polemics interest many people and are done
with adequate publicity, they actually have a social importance, since they
provoke a myriad of related controversies among those who come into contact
with them.
The scope of this phenomenon can cause the formation
of two or more currents of opinion in the heart of society. From the noisy
confusion of individual disputes emerge louder voices on both sides that are
richer in thought, have greater force of expression and, in turn, fire up
controversies of great importance among themselves. In these controversies
everything being affirmed in the various camps is synthesized, defined,
becomes more profound, and is carried to its ultimate consequences.
Currents of opinion thus confront each other as it
were on different stages and, prodded on by greater minds, the arguments and
polemics then have an impact on lesser minds, inspiring them and providing orientation.
In their most prominent and historically important
forms, argument pure and simple and polemics begin, develop, and end before the
eyes of the multitudes over whom they exercise a rectrix (directive) action and in which they reach their full
dimension.
It can be seen from the above that apostolic strategy
cannot be conceived and carried out merely with a view to the person or the
particular current of opinion with which the Catholic disputes, but in relation
to the sometimes immense public that watches the polemics or argument pure and
simple as an interested spectator. Now, while a highly amenable argument (argument‑dialogue)
can frequently be helpful in attracting and persuading, the legitimate needs of
the public mind frequently require that error and evil be refuted and chastised
with vehemence. Thus, in certain circumstances there is a risk that an inopportune
serenity of the defenders of the good might produce in the public a real atony
of its Catholic sense or moral sensibility. Here is another proof that argument
pure and simple and polemics are at times indispensable.
The two thousand year old struggle of the Catholic
Church against religious and philosophical systems opposed to Her is a good
illustration of this point. In this struggle, dialogue has included, more or
less intensely, argument pure and simple and polemics not only on the level of
individual contacts but also on that of groups, nations and the whole human
race.
m) Argument Pure and Simple, Polemics, and the Militant Character of the
Church
The systematic proscription of all argument pure and
simple and polemics, and the reduction of all contacts to mere argument‑dialogue
(the most serene and cordial type of argument), would have for the Church
consequences whose importance could never be sufficiently emphasized.
Such dialogues would never be sufficient for all the
tactical needs of the Church Militant. Indeed, something authentically militant,
in the fullest sense of the word, is inherent to "inimicitias ponam"
("I will put enmities" ‑‑ Genesis, 3:15) and to the
earthly condition of the Church. She will never cease to be faced with enemies
who are inspired by hostility that ranges, depending on the case, from simple
antipathy to extreme hatred. These enemies will never be mere abstract ideas or
adverse economics or social conditions; they will also be men of flesh and
blood, who will constitute the race of the serpent[21]
until the end of the world. And the Spouse of Christ can never cease fighting
them.
This does not mean that in every non-Catholic person
or institution the Church should see only an enemy. But it is utopian to
imagine that in any historical period She will find outside Her bosom only men
full of sympathy, who ask Her smilingly about one point or another for which
they find no explanation and go from smile to smile, without greater
complications, always ending up converted.
Furthermore, in this age of concentration camps and
Iron and Bamboo Curtains, a person would have to take utopianism very far to
imagine that the Church faces only friendly people of good will.
Finally, this simple division of non‑Catholics
into two categories: adversaries; and what we could call the ignorant
benevolent is unfounded. In reality, there are few among the non‑Catholics
whose hatred of the Catholic Church goes to the extreme, just as there are few
who are exempt from any antipathy towards Her. The greater part of society
simultaneously belongs, in infinitely varying proportions, to both of these
categories such that benevolence, antipathy, and ignorance of the Church are
mixed up in each one in a unique and particular way. This necessarily leads
each Catholic to use the language proper to each type of interlocution in
proportions also infinitely diverse. Industrious zeal is not to exclude any of
them, but to use all of them separately or together as required by each
particular case.
2. Emotional Irenistic Fermentation
It is necessary to place the irenistic tendency that
we have been analyzing in relation to the several meanings of "dialogue"
and "argument" in its ideological context and proper psychological
setting.[22]
A. An Evolved and Paradisiacal Order of Things: the "Era of Good
Will"
What utopias and singular emotional conditions are
capable of leading someone to admit as desirable and possible a new order of
things, an era of what one could call "good will," in which men would
neither argue nor debate among themselves?
Such an order of things would suppose that the human
race, having overcome the effects of original sin by an extensive evolution
and thus consisting only of men of good will, could inaugurate a type of social
relationship in which disagreements, if there were any, would be eliminated by
the elucidating action of contacts lacking combativity.
B. The Era of Good Will, the Anarchist Utopianism Inherent to Communism,
And the Universal Republic
The effects of this supposed "evolution" of
humanity from its present stage to the era of "good will" would not
be confined to the sphere of private convivium, but would logically overflow
into both the juridical and political spheres. Men who err neither
intellectually nor morally, or whose error is so slight that a cordial
explanation puts them immediately on the right path, necessarily have a political
life without dissension or friction. Revolutions and crimes are impossible
among them. Further, these utopian dreams necessarily open new perspectives in
juridical relations. And from one consequence to another there logically can
be predicted a debilitation of the functions of law and justice so extensive
that the government will be reduced to having nothing more than an administrative
role and be transformed into a kind of cooperative. This is the anarchical and
cooperativist state of affairs envisioned by Communism as the ideal following
the dictatorship of the proletariat.
By a similar linking of consequences resulting
unavoidably from one another, human evolution would have to carry its effects
into an even higher sphere of relationship, that between nations. Rivalry of
interests and ideological tension would disappear from international life.
Now unnecessary, the United Nations would die. On a
world level a super-cooperative would join the efforts of nations just as
smaller cooperatives would on the national level. It would be an anarchical
type of universal republic.
Thus, in all forms of relations between individuals
and nations an utterly inalterable concord would reign over a renewed earth
inhabited only by men of good will.
Let us not oversimplify things. Especially at the
beginning of the era of good will, dialogue would not be easy or brief if
something from a former era remained. It would frequently require great
patience on all sides. But the certainty of the positive final result would
encourage men enough to peaceably and gradually undo all the mistakes and
confusion and to endure the weary delays of such a task.
C. Religious Irenicism in the Era of Good Will
Religious irenicism would be one of the most important
consequences of establishing the era of good will. In such an era, the various
kinds of argument ‑especially combative and religious expeditions like
the Crusades ‑‑ should be outlawed as intrinsically evil. Placed
under the most severe opprobrium, they should give way to the other modalities
of interlocution, the only licit forms of contact among different religions.
D. Irenicism, Ecumenism, and Modernism
At this point in the study of irenicism one naturally
thinks of "ecumenism," the word so frequently used when speaking of
dialogue.
Two forms of ecumenism should be pointed out. One type
seeks ‑ in order to lead souls to the one flock of the one Shepherd ‑
to reduce as much as possible the number of arguments pure and simple and
polemics in favor of argument-dialogue and other forms of interlocution.
This ecumenism is amply based on numerous pontifical
documents, especially those of John XXIII and Paul VI. But another type of
ecumenism goes further and seeks to extirpate any and all militant character
from the relations of the Catholic Religion with others (cf. footnote 22).
This extreme ecumenism is evidently founded upon
relativism or religious syncretism, whose condemnation is found in two
documents of Saint Pius X, the encyclical Pascendi
against Modernism, and the Apostolic Letter Notre Charge Apostolique against the "Sillon."
E. Other Forms
of Ideological Irenicism
What we have said here about religious irenicism is
easily transposed to irenicism in any other philosophical or ideological
subject.
F. Irenicism, Relativism,
and Hegelianism
It can be seen that the various forms of irenicism
logically lead to relativism.
In fact, the exacerbated desire for unanimous,
universal, and conclusive peace in everything among men leads to the
underestimation of the scope of differences between them. From this
underestimation one easily comes to a relativist position which, in order to
suppress those differences, ends by considering all opinions to have a
relative value and denying that any of them might be objectively true or false.
This total relativism is more negative than positive,
denying all other systems and yet offering no positive conception of man, life,
and the universe. But the irenistic impulse is not satisfied with this. Tending
to go to the extreme through its own natural dynamism, it takes on a Hegelian character.
It conceives the progress of thought and history as a
result of the internal friction of doctrines or forces that are at the same
time relatively true and relatively false. From this friction between thesis
and antithesis would come a new
relative "truth," superseding all others, which in its turn would
clash with another, yielding another synthesis, and so on indefinitely. This is
the end term of the long journey which, begun in simple irenicism and going
through successive refinements of it, reaches relativism and, finally,
Hegelianism.
G. Collaboration with the Best of the Separated Brethren in Fighting
Irenistic Relativism
We observe that extreme ecumenism produces tragic
confusion among Catholics as well as the separated brethren, be they
schismatics, heretics or otherwise. This confusion is certainly one of the
most tragic of our confusion filled age.
Indeed, today there is no greater danger in the
religious field than relativism. It threatens all religions, and any true
Catholic or separated brother who seriously professes his own religion should
fight it. This can only be done by the effort each one makes to maintain the
natural and proper meaning of his belief against the relativistic interpretations
that deform and undermine it. The ally of the true Catholic in this fight would
be the Jew or the Mohammedan who allows not the slightest doubt about what
unites or separates us. It is this kind of attitude that keeps relativism out
of the fields it attempts to enter. Further, it is only once this attitude is
adopted that interlocution in its various modes including argument pure and simple
and polemics, can help to unite souls. "Good accounting makes good
friends," says the proverb. Likewise, only clarity in thinking and
expressing what one thinks really leads to unity.
Exaggerated ecumenism, which tends to make everyone
hide or underestimate his real discrepancies with others, leads to a regime of
"maquillage," which can only favor relativism, the most powerful
common enemy of all religions.
H. Irenicism, Dialogue, and Evolutionist Utopianism
The dissolution of the State in its present form and
of the United Nations, replacing them with a universal anarcho‑cooperativist
regime on whose summit one finds a global super‑cooperative, the
consequent impossibility of wars (and consequent uselessness of armed forces),
extreme ecumenism, religious relativism, and irenicism are all corollaries of
one common principle: the evolution of human nature promoted by a period of
good will in which all argument dies and men only dialogue among themselves.
Having placed the irenistic tendency ‑which
seeks to impose itself through talismanic dialogue ‑ in its ideological
context, we briefly mention the doctrine on which this tendency is based. This
is utopianism, traces of which are found in so many cultures throughout
the course of history, and which erupted in the West with marked vigor after
the Middle Ages. From Morus and Campanella to the utopian socialists of the
last century, the course is easily shown, as it has been so often before.[23]
I. Importance of the
Emotional
Aspects of Irenistic Utopianism
Certainly important to this study is the analysis of
the emotional state correlative to this utopianism since ‑‑ as
shown below ‑‑ in order to destroy the Western world, communism
exploits the emotional circumstances in which irenicism thrives more than the
ideas upon which it is based.
Man, created for the earthly paradise and a state of
integrity lost through sin, deep down feels a living desire for those
conditions which according to the Divine plan he never should have lost. This
appetite is quite explainable since each being, because of the legitimate love
of self, loves what is good for itself.
In addition, the end of the aspirations of man, whom
God has invited to a superior destiny, is neither in the integrity of his
nature nor the earthly paradise, but in the perfect and eternal happiness of
the celestial paradise.
Thus, the tendency for what we could generically and
perhaps somewhat loosely call the paradisiacal throbs with a burning and
unquenchable force deep down in every man. He feels this force always, though
in different degrees, and it is mixed, at times consciously and at times not,
with everything he thinks and desires.
Oriented by the Faith, elevated by grace, and
developed according to the norms of Catholic morality, this desire of the
paradisiacal constitutes an indispensable and fundamental force for the
ennoblement of man in every aspect. It invites him to elevate and to perfect
his soul and to improve the conditions of his earthly existence as much as
possible. Above all, it invites him to aspire to Heaven and to think of it
frequently. However, the Catholic must understand that although error, evil
and, consequently, pain can be circumscribed, they are not eradicable from this
world, as taught so well by the parable of the wheat and the chaff (cf. Matt.
13:24‑30). This life has a fundamental meaning of trial, struggle, and
expiation that the faithful knows to be in accordance with the highest designs
of God's kindness, justice, and wisdom. The end of man and his glorious,
complete, and perennial happiness is only in Heaven.
J. Revolt, the Typical Emotional Element of the Irenic Utopianist
Because he thinks this way, the true Catholic is the
contrary of the utopianist who, deprived of the light of faith, considers
error, evil, and pain to be absurd contingencies of human existence that anger
him. He thinks it natural for man to rise up against this triad of adversaries.
Moreover, as the utopianist fails to consider the existence of another life,
he is led to conclude as evident, necessary, and unquestionable that we can
eliminate pain, evil, and error. Otherwise, he would be forced to admit that
the very order of being is absurd.
This is what his utopia is essentially based upon.
Thus, it is understandable that for the utopinianist, life cannot normally have
a legitimate meaning of struggle, trial, and expiation; it can only have a meaning
of soft and agreeable peace. The utopianist is by definition a pacifist "á
outrance;" he is ultra‑ecumenical and ultra‑irenical. None of
his dreams would have interior consistency or be capable of satisfying him
completely if they did not include the suppression of all struggles and
controversies.
It is understood that the earthly paradise based on
science and technology dreamed of by utopianism includes the satisfaction of
the human passions both in what is legitimate and in what is most tempestuous,
unruly, and illegitimate, for the mortification of the passions is
incompatible with this irenical "paradise."
Pride and sensuality occupy a prominent place among
the disorderly passions. They mark the utopianist with two main characteristics:
the desire to be supreme in his sphere, not accepting a transcendent God, and
the tendency to complete freedom in satisfying all the unruly instincts and
appetites.
Because the utopianist believes only in this life, he
thinks that the possibility of obtaining from this world all the satisfaction
his being desires is inherent to the nature of things. He expects in fact to
obtain this satisfaction through his own efforts. He is the "worldly"
man par excellence, since he puts all
his hopes in this world.[24]
K. Irenistic Utopianism, the Characteristic of the Worldly Bourgeois and
the Worldly Proletarian
Whether the worldly be bourgeoisie or proletarians,
they have a common denominator precisely in this point.
Through his fortune, social position, and political
influence, the worldly bourgeois hopes to obtain complete independence,
stability, and pleasure, in short, the earthly paradise his utopia promises
him.
The worldly proletarian hopes to acquire the same
either by becoming bourgeois or by creating for all men ‑ of which he
imagines himself the center ‑ a microparadise achieved in the less
brilliant, but nonetheless attractive conditions of an egalitarian society. In
this new society the proletariat would be the owner of everything, and the
vestiges of what was once the power of the state would be transferred to an
organism with the cartilaginous consistency of a mere cooperative. In the
egalitarian and cooperativist paradise the proletarian would be independent and
gifted with stable and happy living conditions somehow even greater than those
of the bourgeois at present.
L. The Fear‑Sympathy Syndrome Works in the "Worldly"
Bourgeois
Well do we know how the utopianism of the worldly
proletarian, when inebriated by communism, makes him look with hatred at the paradise
of the bourgeois from which he is excluded.
But, what does the worldly bourgeois think about the
perspective of a worker's paradise? Accustomed to his goods, he does not want
to let them go. Nevertheless, exhausted by class struggle and fearing the perspectives of war, revolution plunder and
massacre, there are times when the possibility of peacefully integrating
himself in the proletarian paradise, and perhaps keeping some small advantages,
smiles at him like a lesser evil. "And then," he thinks, "who
knows if this paradise will not succeed, contrary to the bourgeois society, in
eliminating error, evil, and suffering? Perhaps it would be worthwhile to renounce
the advantages I now enjoy in order to enter a world where no one is subject to
this triple yoke." No one... not even himself who, in the intervals
between his business and his pleasures, feels so vulnerable to sickness and
countless other risks.
Then, with all the impetus of his desire for a
paradise on earth, the worldly bourgeois begins to find himself leaning toward
socialism and glimpsing possibilities of a pact with communism. A pacifist sentiment
toward this terrible adversary rises in him. The irenical dialogue smiles at
him... Along with fear, sympathy begins
to act in him.
M. The Fear‑Sympathy Syndrome Prepares the Worldly Bourgeois for
Unperceived Ideological Transshipment
It would be impossible for communism, to which it is
capitally important to undermine the bourgeois society, to make dedicated
disciples of Marx from most of the worldly bourgeois. The theses and arguments
of this prophet of darkness are arid, confused, and uncouth, and the worldly
bourgeois does not enjoy lingering over or delving deeply into anything. Furthermore,
the Marxist ideology clashes head on with all his mental habits and personal
interests, and he likes neither clashes nor sacrifices.
But the world communist leaders are far from being
ignorant of the emotional state in which so many worldly bourgeois find
themselves.
This condition is highly exploitable by communism
through the fear‑sympathy syndrome.
With this, the worldly bourgeois is prepared for the ideological transshipment
which, by repeating the word "dialogue" in a thousand different ways,
will lead him to become communist without his perceiving it, or at least to
take concessionist positions in the face of communism, thereby opening the
doors of the citadel to the adversary.
3. Talismanic Meanings
of "Dialogue"
A. Points of Impressionability and Apathy, the Psychological Framework
of the Talismanic Word in the Worldly Mind
With the irenistic worldliness characterized above, it
is easy to see in the irenicist the points of impressionability and apathy that,
even when they are in embryo form, make him so susceptible to unperceived
ideological transshipment:
· First point of
impressionability: Quarrels, disagreements, and wars are in themselves
serious evils which must be eliminated at all cost. This is accompanied by
tendencies to inaugurate the era of good will and peace;
· Second point of
impressionability: To achieve this, it is necessary to put an end to
controversies at any price, and replace them with irenistic dialogue;
· First point of
apathy: Can this peace-at‑any‑price be obtained? Will not
drastic means be necessary to implant it, presenting an even greater evil?
· Second point of
apathy: Doesn't the abolition of controversies create moral and ideological
chaos? Doesn't this mean the victory of relativism, and thus multiply the
factors of discord and war? Doesn't it disorganize public opinion? Doesn't it
tend to disfigure the militant character of Holy Church? etc.
The soul or the mind pricked by irenicism tends not
to answer the questions in the points of apathy. Simplistic, hasty, and
peevish, like every utopian mind, the irenicist is not capable of taking his
attention away from the points of impressionability and is irritated with
someone who tries to force him to dwell on the points of apathy.
The utopianist thus becomes inclined to accept all the
sequels of irenicism, even those he would have most repudiated ‑Communism
and Modernism ‑ before those points of impressionability were formed in
his mind.
The real solution of the problem worrying our
irenicist would be to recognize the impossibility of absolute and eternal ideological
harmony among men and the necessity of basing good relationships on realistic
foundations. For this he would, among other things, take care to avoid both
excesses, that is, the omission of argument-dialogue as indicated above and
the omission of argument pure and simple or polemics when they are opportune.
He would strive to suppress these modes of argument when for any reason they
might be objectionable. But the irenicist, influenced by the points of
impressionability and not reacting against the points of apathy, is right from
the start eager to give in to all kinds of one‑sided thoughts, feelings,
and actions, adhering only to the solutions consonant with his points of
impressionability.
In this way, the talismanic word begins to work over
him.
B. Multiple Effects of the Talismanic Word
The talismanic word "dialogue" is so rich in
effects that they must be classified in two groups to be studied adequately:
‑ the direct effects it produces in the
mentalities of the persons fascinated by it;
‑ a process through which a mentality
transformed in this way and the talismanic word "dialogue" become
mutually radicalized, using "dialogue" as an instrument and leading
the "dialoguers" to Hegelian relativism.
C. Direct Effects of
the Talismanic Word
Let us first consider the five direct effects of the
talismanic word.
a) First Effect ‑
Dialogue Solves Everything
The talismanic word begins to act over the irenicist
prepared as described above (item A). He is told about dialogue. Next, he sees the word used in a new and special sense
only indirectly related with its ordinary and usual meaning, and thus it
shines in his eyes like something modern and elegant. People begin to use it as
though it were a simple and irresistible way of changing convictions. Not to
dialogue is ideological backwardness right in the middle of the atomic age. To
dialogue is to be up‑to‑date and show how one is efficient and
modern. Then the irenicist begins to think: "Dialogue solves all
problems." No need for arguments or polemics; the only thing to do is
dialogue with those who think differently, even if they are communists. By the
affability that characterizes it, dialogue has the magic power to remove all
prejudices, and guarantees its user the glory of persuading all its opponents.
b) Second Effect ‑
A World of Impressions and One‑sided Emotions
Based on one‑sided and obsessive fear of
offending opponents by argument and polemics and on the certainty that there
is no one he cannot convince through dialogue, our patient gradually forms a
whole world of impressions and one‑sided
emotions, of which we will mention only those found in the Catholic who
argues or debates.
According to the irenicist, this kind of Catholic
employs counter‑productive and old‑fashioned methods of apostolate
because he is irascible, ill‑tempered, and vindictive, having no charity
for those who are in error. He treats them with unjust and harmful severity
and, in the final analysis, he is really the one to blame for their staying
outside the fold.
Hatred for the Most Ardent Catholics
This one‑sided
impression creates an emotion, an antipathy against the
Catholic apologist or polemicist, possibly even hatred. This antipathy,
arising from the presupposition that all ideological controversy is evil,
includes ipso facto and indiscriminately
all those who argue or debate, whether properly or improperly.
However absurd it is, the apologist or polemicist
begins to be hated by his brother in the Faith. The irenicist increasingly sees
him as a sectarian and uncharitable Catholic, and his "error" as the
only one for which there is no mercy: the tremendous "error" of being
"ultra‑Catholic." It seems to be licit to use any weapon
against someone accused of such an "error:" campaign of silence,
ostracism, defamation, insult. And everything serves to document the
accusations made against him. The most tenuous and vaguest clues and even
simple rumors are proof. He, the true outcast from society en route to utopia,
and no one else, is utterly forbidden to participate in the dialogue.
This causes a constantly increasing decimation among
the most ardent sons of the Church Militant, that is, the most abnegated, most
consistent, most perspicacious and most valiant.
We need not dwell on how much the adversaries of the
Holy Church gain from this.
Admiration of and Unconditional Confidence in Those Outside the Church
This decimation coincides with growing admiration of
and confidence in those who are outside the Church. Not rarely these sentiments
become a "complex" capable of becoming categorical unconditionality.
This makes sense, for if all our separated brothers can be converted through
smiles, it is ultimately because only a few misunderstandings and resentments
keep them separated from us. Their good will is perfect and unblemished.
When dialogue is properly done with those outside the
Church, one must keep in mind both what separates us and what unites us. And by
dexterously using charity one must know how to take advantage of what unites
us in order to create, as much as possible, a cordial atmosphere when dealing
objectively and tactfully with what separates us.
But in the irenical climate the Catholic dialoguer is
concerned about something else. He sees only what unites him to those on the
outside, seeing nothing of what separates him from them. Thus, he hopes to gain
everything from coexistence and concession, and nothing from battle. His tactic
is therefore naive, soft, and concessionist toward those who are outside the
flock. His intransigence, energy, and suspicion are reserved only for those
who, inside the Church, resist the irenical atmosphere.
c) Third Effect ‑ Sympathy and Notoriety Resulting from the Effect
of Dialogue" in the Media
While the apostle who argues or debates is hated and
slandered because of this world of impressions and emotions, the apostle of
irenic dialogue is usually considered in exactly the opposite way.
As the public ‑ perhaps now more than ever ‑
is eager for everything that might favor its optimism and its longings for ease
and well‑being, it is predisposed to emphatically admire the irenic
apostle.
The average man sees the irenic apostle as having a
flexible and lucid intelligence that allows him to discern the profound evils
of argument and polemics, and to discover the inexhaustible apostolic possibilities
of "dialogue." Benevolent and affable, the irenic
"dialoguer" gives the impression of being endowed with an irresistible
and almost magic appeal. Modern, he is presented as a perfect and agile expert
on the most recent tactics of the apostolate, and therefore dexterous in
managing "dialogue". In a word, he
appears perfectly likeable. He is happy and jovial with prospects of a
rosy future prepared by a series of easy and dizzying successes.
Appeal and optimism open the doors of notoriety for our "dialoguer." It is
pleasant to talk about him, repeat his words, and praise his actions. He seems
to have the gift of resolving the most difficult problems by smiling, and
dissipating the most inveterate prejudices and deep seated hatreds with simple
speeches as if he were a sun. He thus becomes the center of events, and
everyone's attention is focused on him. The press, the radio, and the
television gladly feature him certain of pleasing the public.
d) Fourth Effect ‑ Mirage of the Era of Good Will Appears
All this opens indefinite horizons on the mind of the
person subject to the process we are studying, Far away in those horizons,
there begins to appear the mirage we have mentioned earlier in this chapter
(item 2, A to Q. True, this mirage is generally very vague, but nonetheless radiant
and attractive: it is the era of good will, that is, of an "evolved"
order of things in which empathy, of which the fullness is love, would not only
be capable of frustrating all contentions but also preventing them. Yes,
preventing them by eliminating their psychological and institutional causes.
How peace and harmony would profit from the suppression of that for which men
have fought for thousands of years ‑ countries, national interests, inheritance,
class prestige, symbols of power! If only love could eliminate the words
“mine" and "yours" and replace them as outmoded by
"ours," peace would reign among men at last, and wars, crimes,
punishments, and prisons would disappear. Government would be nothing more than
a huge cooperative of spontaneous and harmonious actions favoring prosperity,
culture, and health. In the era of good will, the total earthly well‑being
of society would be the only purpose of man's endeavors.
This mirage, whose affinity with the anarchist myth
inherent to Marxism we already noted (item 2, B), endowed with all the power of
suggestion of man's deepest desires, is such that it awakens a delightful
emotion in countless souls that holds them fast, and from which they have not
the least desire to free themselves, as if they had taken a drug.
The word "dialogue" is thus reclothed in
magic and fascinating scintillations when used in this perspective. Like a real
talisman it automatically endows those who use it with its prestige and
brilliance.
e) Fifth Effect ‑
Tendency to Abuse the Flexibility of the Word "Dialogue"
These various psychological factors give rise to an
ever growing temptation to exaggerate
the natural flexibility of the word in question.
Indeed, if a certain effect is obtained by using a
certain word, the more it is used, the greater the effect.
Hence, there is a tendency to use the word
"dialogue" for everything. Its use can become almost a vice so that
an interview, an article, or a speech will not seem complete without some
mention of dialogue.
D. Indirect and Reflexive Effects of the Talismanic Word
We now turn
to the second group of effects, in which the psychological fermentation
produced by the talismanic word has an effect on the word itself.
Actually a process of mutual radicalization, this
interaction then affects the very manner of conducting the dialogue.
If we imagine two "dialoguers" in which this
interaction occurs, we see that they will gradually change not only the successive
ways of dialoguing but the very content of the dialogue.
This process takes the "dialoguers" through
several phases, from irenicism all the way to Hegelian relativism.
a) First Effect ‑ The Radicalization of the Word
"Dialogue": New and more Radical Talismanic Meanings
How does the influence of this psychological
fermentation operate in the word?
Whoever strives to mount the heights of celebrity on
the wings of the word "dialogue" will soon realize that the different
applications of this word bring an unequalled yield in popularity.
Sometimes, the word yields very little, and it seems
opaque to the public. But under different conditions the talisman shines before
all with its full brilliance.
As a rule, the exploiter of the talismanic word ‑
and of the public ‑ will feel this without being able to explain it, and
consequently begin to prefer some applications over others. If he is a bit
talented, he will force the natural flexibility of the word by giving it a
growing number of fascinating and profitable uses.
Why is the talisman more radiant in some applications
than in others? Manipulated thus by the experts of this linguistics, what is
the refulgent pole with which it tends to identify itself?
What we could call the radiant force immanent in the
talismanic word "dialogue" makes itself felt more when used to insinuate
that the myth of a regenerative, collectivist, and sentimental love, imagined
as the directive force of a new world, is true, desirable, and viable. This myth is the pole towards which the
talismanic word tends. Dialogue, in its ultimate and most hidden magical
meanings, is the language of this love.
In the different stages of this quest for the ultimate
meaning, "dialogue" evolves to become increasingly identified with
this myth.
b) Second Effect ‑ the Four Phases of the Process Toward Hegelian
Relativism
Having described in a general way the interaction
between the irenistic emotion and the talismanic word, we will now consider the
various phases in which the forms and contents of the interlocution between
persons of opposite convictions are processively modified, correspondingly
modifying also the meaning of the talismanic word.
Before beginning the process, the speakers desire to
convince each other through arguments.
The basic objective of each party is therefore to
conquer the other for truth. They will thus achieve a precious good between
themselves: unity, presented legitimately as the fruit of truth and which
therefore cannot be conceived or aimed at except through possession of truth.
First Phase ‑
Hypertrophy of Cordiality in Argument‑Dialogue: the Talismanic Word is
Born
Let us imagine that an irenistic emotional
fermentation can be observed in speakers disposed to argue. This fermentation,
which preludes the appearance of the talismanic word "dialogue,"
consists in an ardent emotional desire for universal concord of minds and for
peace in all areas of human relations.
This desire is such that it will only be satisfied
when the speakers have finally reached a completely irenical and relativistic
conception of man, life and the cosmos.
From the emotional point of view, the speakers are
thus already potentially conquered by irenicism in favor of relativism, and,
as we shall see, for its most radical form, Hegelian relativism.
Though true from the emotional point of view, this is
not true with regard to ideas.
The speakers still admit the existence of an objective
truth which each supposes himself to possess, while imputing objective error
to the other.
Logically, the tenor of their relationship regarding
the debated theme can only be argument.
This argument, even while still amiable, is imbued
with a note of pugnacity. Now, this note of pugnacity is in severe conflict
with the emotional state of the two speakers.
There is a conflict, then, between the logically
necessary procedure ‑ argument ‑ and the type of relations that the
persons in question would like to maintain between themselves. From this
conflict results the first change in this type of relations.
Without realizing it, the parties desire unity more
than truth.
As a consequence of these emotional dispositions, each
one of them is led to believe that the other is always in good faith. Each
believes that the outcome of his effort of persuasion depends only on the
elimination of the other's resentments.
Therefore, both reject argument pure and simple as
well as polemics, and only conceive argument as a refined, smooth form of
argument‑dialogue. But this form still has an element of pugnacity which
displeases the irenistic emotionality.
As a consequence, this irenistic emotionality
distorts the meaning of argument-dialogue by over‑emphasizing the note
of cordiality and under‑emphasizing the note of pugnacity. The initial
distortion in the type of relations between the two parties is thus
accentuated.
The argument‑dialogue does not aim principally
to obtain truth, and through that, unity; now it seeks mainly unity through
cordiality in relations between the speakers. The conquest of truth through
argument is only secondary.
In this way the word "dialogue" undergoes
the first distortion. It comes to mean argument‑dialogue conceived
irenistically and takes on an ireno ‑talismanic sense that glows with all
the appeal of the irenistic myth.
The talismanic dialogue (the distorted argument‑dialogue)
is now dialogue only by antonomasia.
Here we give a concrete example to make it easier for
the reader to study the process of talismanic distortion of the word
"dialogue" considered in the abstract. The enunciation of each phase
of the process in abstracto will be
followed by the description of its corresponding phase in concreto.
Let us imagine a Thomist and an existentialist who
are colleagues in a university, and so have many opportunities to discuss their
philosophical differences. Also, the two professors frequently have arguments
for the sake of entertainment while maintaining all the social relations
customary between colleagues.
As for their differences, the Thomist identifies
himself with truth and reason. The existentialist disagrees with the Thomist
position. Each wants to persuade the other, and they consider argument as the
normal way to do this.
Let us imagine further that the Thomist, desiring to
convince the other party, is motivated not only by a legitimate apostolic
intention but also an ardent irenistic desire for union.
At a certain point this desire overcomes his zeal, and
our Thomist begins to desire unity more than truth in his argument with the
existentialist.
This inversion of aims has an immediate effect on the
way he views his colleague. He will naively convince himself that his colleague
is attached to existentialism because of a simple mistake and certain resentments
against Thomism and ultimately against the Church. For the speaker bitten by
the fly of irenicism, the other party always behaves in the argument as if he
were conceived without original sin and incapable of a disorderly and vicious
attachment to error.
This results in a repercussion of the irenic tendency
over the procedure followed by the Thomist. If the existentialist's main
obstacle to accepting the truth is resentment, the main thing in the argument
is to prevent this resentment from remaining or becoming aggravated. The
Thomist then presumes that his interlocutor will repudiate as always dangerous
or unjust both argument pure and simple and polemic and that he will only
accept argument‑dialogue when dealing with controversial issues.
In argument‑dialogue our Thomist, because of
irenicism, will aim principally at unity, and only secondarily at truth.
He will call this type of argument,
"dialogue," to insinuate that it is just as free from pugnacity as
dialogue‑investigation and dialogue‑entertainment.
Thus the talismanic word "dialogue" comes
forth overflowing with pacifist cordiality. "Dialogue" represents
the first form of the irenistic relations between the two professors, and it
glitters with the many seductions of the pacifist myth, accentuating our
Thomist's irenic ardor and drawing him towards new variations in the way he
considers talismanic dialogue and puts it into practice.
Second Phase ‑
Irenistic Cordiality Invades Dialogue‑Entertainment and Dialogue‑investigation:
Meaning of the Talismanic Word Is Broadened
Undergoing changes in the first phase, the talismanic
word affects the irenistic emotional fermentation, and this increased
fermentation begins to impress a new and broadened meaning on the talismanic
word. This is the essence of the second phase.
The irenistic interlocutor, gripped by the hidden
content of the talismanic word ‑the irenic myth ‑ uses the
talismanic word for everything like a toy whose enchantment grows as he plays
with it.
The relationship between persons separated by a point
of difference is not reduced to that difference. This relationship can
legitimately include dialogues of investigation about other matters, and
dialogues of entertainment about still others. These forms of relations can
also legitimately have a favorable repercussion over argument‑dialogue to
the degree they contribute to preventing it from being jeopardized by the
resentments and personal antipathies that so often unfortunately arise.
So the irenistic interlocutors are led to make their
dialogues of investigation and entertainment more irenist, giving them the same
talismanic meaning incubated in argument‑dialogue during the previous
phase.
What is the irenistic distortion of dialogues of
entertainment and investigation? In these types of dialogue, the irenistic
speakers come to underestimate the natural purpose of entertainment and
investigation and to irenistically overestimate the factor of cordiality. Thus
the speakers conduct dialogue to produce an intense warming of affections, and
entertainment and investigation come to serve as mere pretexts.
This warming up ‑ which they hope will help
persuasion ‑ will work over the point of difference a unifying and
syncretistic action more useful than exchanging arguments in a smooth
irenistic dialogue, which still conserves remnants of pugnacity.
As the irenicist increasingly exaggerates the
importance of the cordiality factor in persuasion, he is led to confide more
and more in dialogue‑entertainment and dialogue‑investigation,
while considering argument‑dialogue entirely secondary or even dangerous
and disturbing.
This change in the structure of relations between the
irenical speakers corresponds to a new stage in the evolution of the talismanic
word "dialogue."
Because the most dynamic element of this talismanic
word is irenistic, it extends itself from irenistic argument‑dialogue to
the two other "irenicized" forms of interlocution.
The talismanic word thus gradually encompasses all
the types of relations between speakers susceptible to irenistic impregnation.
In other words, besides the irenistic influence,
dialogue‑entertainment and dialogue‑investigation can be forms of
relations instrumental to argument‑dialogue and help to assure its
continuation. But under the influence of irenicism, this order of values is
inverted. Dialogue‑entertainment and dialogue-investigation begin to be
seen as propulsory elements of the "persuasive" action, and argument‑dialogue
comes to have a secondary role that is instrumental, but uncomfortably so.
In this new hierarchy of values the talismanic word
"dialogue" encompasses the three forms of interlocution mentioned
above (argument‑dialogue, dialogues of investigation and entertainment)
and begins to incite the irenistic desires still further, giving rise to the
third phase.
Concrete example: Under the note of irenicism instigated by the talismanic word
"dialogue," our Thomist wants to convey the irenistic ferment to his
other types of relations with the existentialist. Until now, these other forms
(dialogue‑entertainment and dialogue‑investigation) seemed to him
extrinsic to the doctrinal controversy and only capable of helping keep the
cordial treatment of matters outside the controversy and maintain the latter
in a serene and elevated atmosphere.
But now the irenical Thomist begins to see things
differently. To him the opportunities for investigation or entertainment no
longer seem to be restricted to their natural end. As he is desirous of
producing a coveted emotional neutralization in the existentialist, these
opportunities for investigation and entertainment now come to serve as mere
pretexts for feeding and increasing the irenic drive and the supreme,
unconditional desire for unity existing in the existentialist.
Thus all the forms of interlocution susceptible to
irenic impregnation (dialogue‑entertainment, dialogue-investigation,
argument‑dialogue) come together under the banner of irenicism.
Meanwhile, argument‑dialogue, being less
suitable for irenistic warming‑up, and even dangerous because of its
pugnacity, loses its principal role. To the degree it dissipates doctrinal
errors it comes to have a disturbing and dangerous instrumental function in a
network of relations whose main goal is to increase cordiality.
Feeling and seeing things in this way, our Thomist
continues to dialogue. But how dialogue is different for him now from what it
was in the previous phase! For this labor of calefaction, he avoids controversy
as much as possible with the existentialist and puts all his effort into
focusing on what is common to both Thomism and existentialism with
indefatigable insistence, scrutinizing the most insignificant details ‑
what he calls the "existentialist aspects of Thomism." In this way
our Thomist tries to decorate the austere Aquinan habit with a Kierkegaardian
flamula and to put Saint Thomas in the cohort of admirers Kierkegaard had even
before he was born.
Our inventive, irenic Thomist understands that a
common enmity is at times the best cement for a precarious and budding
friendship. He will seek to attack any vein of "essentialism" that he
might find in one philosopher or another more ardently than the most dedicated
existentialist. In this "crusade" without a cross, our Thomist is
clearly not an irenicist in relation to "essentialism," whatever form
or degree it may take; but he is irenicist when it comes to promote irenicism
in relation to existentialism.
Our irenistic Thomist still has one fear. He is afraid
that the existentialist might suspect him of connivance with some unlucky
Thomist brothers who are fighting existentialism, so he attacks these Thomists
as the most dangerous of all essentialists.
These are the wiles of talismanic dialogue in this
second phase.
The talismanic word dialogue gradually came to designate the whole panorama of
irenistic dialogues, with the predominance of the dialogues of entertainment
and investigation over argument‑dialogue.
Third Phase ‑ Irenistic Cordiality Results in Relativism: The
Talismanic Word Takes On an Entirely Relativistic Meaning
The two previous phases developed under the banner of
irenicism. However, the third phase is clearly relativistic.
Until now, the objective of interlocution under the
pressure of irenicism was to increase unity and at the same time diminish the
desire for truth. In the third phase, the desire for unity induces the
interlocutors to overlook differences in order to obtain truth. To achieve
this, the speakers both decide that there is no objective truth or objective
error and that everything is relative.
The kind of relationship between the speakers
consequently changes.
Once relativism appears, true argument becomes
impossible; when the speakers deal with the matter in question, they are no
longer involved in a true argument because of the very fact that it is done
under the auspices of relativism.
Since the passage from simple irenicism to relativism
is often unperceived, the parties could imagine themselves to be arguing and
even call their interlocution "argument. " However,
argument-dialogue proper has actually ceased to exist; there only remain
accidental and transitory differences which are inherent to dialogue‑investigation
(Chap. IV, 1, B, j).
This relativist transformation of the speakers'
relationship now effects a new distortion of the talismanic word dialogue. From being simply irenistic,
the meaning of this word becomes relativistic; thus it ceases to include
argument‑dialogue in order to encompass only dialogue‑entertainment
and dialogue‑investigation.
As the talismanic word dialogue approaches the myth of the era of good will, it appears
to be ever more alluring and brilliant to the irenistic relativists. It increases
the intensity of the desire for unity and thus prepares the ground for the next
phase.
Concrete example: Impelled from one refinement to another along the paths of irenicism by
the talismanic word, our Thomist takes another step in his endeavor to
dialogue.
He now begins to consider groundless the doctrinal
differences that in the previous phase he had so under-emphasized in favor of
the points of convergence. He begins to see these differences as having truth
and error on both sides and being more a matter of formulation than substance.
Ultimately, he sees one global "truth," as completely relative,
residually present in the most contrary formulations, and serving as the substractum
of a varied and indefinitely mutable reality.
With a magnifying glass our irenicist begins to look
for passages of Saint Thomas that appear to justify his relativism when taken
out of context. He has already ceased to be a Thomist, except for the fact that
he has the hope or illusion of finding presages of Kierkegaard in Saint Thomas.
But in reality nothing of the Thomist remains. Perhaps without realizing what
has happened in his mind, he has become a dedicated relativist.
This inner transformation is followed by a change in
his relations with the existentialist. In this phase in which irenicism becomes
relativism, he eliminates argument‑dialogue, which in the former phase
he regarded as the ball and chain on a prisoner's foot. The relations with the
existentialist are thus reduced to irenistic dialogue‑entertainment and
dialogue‑investigation.
Further, this Thomist who is no longer a Thomist may
still call the types of interlocution "argument," but in reality
they have nothing in common with this mode of interlocution.
The talismanic word dialogue designating the irenistic relations as they are practiced
in each stage, no longer includes argument‑dialogue and refers only to
the two other types of irenistic dialogue now impregnated with relativistic
ideas.
To dialogue talismanically in this phase is thus to
practice radical relativism. Further exciting irenistic cravings in our
Thomist, the euphoria of dialoging and the talismanic prestige of irenico‑relativist
dialogue now prepare him for the fourth phase.
Fourth Phase ‑ Irenistic Relativism Is Now Structured in Terms of
Hegelianism: The Talismanic Word Assumes the Meaning of Hegelian
"Play"
In this phase relativism, which is the plenitude and
not the contrary of irenicism, receives an enrichment that is not contrary to
it, but rather gives it plenitude. Avid to take relativism to its final
consequences, the speakers are no longer content with a purely negative
relativism that merely seeks to wear away and destroy the concepts of objective
truth and objective error. This is because what is merely negative is repugnant
to human nature. Thus, moving to the positive phase, the interlocutors now
desire to structure a complete relativistic vision of man, society, and the
universe.
In this phase truth, already accepted as something
relative, comes to be seen as a product of an eternal dialectic.
After assuming the character of mere entertainment and
investigation, dialogue begins to be practiced as a "ludus" in which
both parties admit that decantation of the truth will take place through dialogue,
just as the clash of thesis and antithesis produces synthesis. The last stage
of the talismanic distortion of the word "dialogue" is thus produced:
the Hegelian stage.
One can easily see that the clash of thesis and
antithesis, caused by men of "good will" impregnated with the
irenistic myth, will essentially be a cordial "ludus," becoming more
cordial as it develops into successive stages.
The clash of thesis with antithesis can, at times,
assume the form of argument pure and simple, or even of polemics, but it will
not have their substance since it does not presuppose an absolute antagonism between
truth and error or good and evil. Consequently, irenistic dialogue does not aim
to change the persuasion of any of the parties; it seeks to produce the
elevation of both to a "truth" on a higher level.[25]
Concrete example: The irenical Thomist in our example cannot, in his ardor, be content
with a merely negative relativism. He endeavors to build an internal dynamic to
explain the relations between the thousand opposite formulations in which, to
him, "truth" appears to reside.
Above all, he hopes to find something in these
relations that tends to eliminate opposition to achieve unity.
He cannot conceive of this elimination as he would
have before starting the talismanic process: a condemnation, based on reason,
of all formulations but one that is proclaimed as the only wholly true one.
Furthermore, he is faced with a palpable fact: these
opposite formulations are found to be continually and irremediably clashing.
Irremediable? Or is this clash the remedy? Our Thomist
is only too happy to answer yes. From the clash of opposite relative
"truths" a superseding synthesis would be produced, and through new
frictions with antithetical formulations this synthesis would produce new ones
resulting in a grandiose process of universal distillation of
"truths" and "truth."
Well understood, contrary to the
"antipathetic" and "discriminatory" manner of medieval
Thomism, this distillation would neither condemn nor exclude any thing.
Everything would be fraternally and lovingly absorbed in the production of
successive syntheses.
Our irenical Thomist now sees Thomism itself as one of
the formulations of "truth' contributing fragrant doctrinal incense to this
process of universal ideological composition.
Perhaps he still considers himself Thomist. Perhaps he
also undertakes the task of mutilating the work of Saint Thomas, tearing
fragments from it with violent arbitrarity that helps him give the XX Century a
"new view" of Saint Thomas: the common doctor seen inside out.
But in reality it is easy to see that fascinated by
the irenic myth and soaring on the wings of the talismanic word, our Thomist
has been transformed into a real Hegelian with just a smattering of Thomism.
How surprised our Thomist would have been in the
beginning of the process if he had been able to imagine that at the end of an
unperceived evolution, guided by the talismanic word "dialogue"
acting as an evil star, he would have reached Hegelianism, that view of reality
which he formerly regarded as the contrary of everything in philosophy that he
recognized as true!
CONCLUSION
If we briefly consider the main elements of this
study, the conclusion clearly and easily emerges that communism is the great
beneficiary of unperceived ideological transshipment and the use of the
talismanic words, particularly the talismanic word "dialogue".
It likewise becomes evident that this immense
communist maneuver can be neutralized simply by someone unmasking it before the
eyes of public opinion.
1. The Talismanic Word "Dialogue" and Communism
It is known that Marxism has kept its dialectical
essence, even though it has abandoned the idealistic character of Hegelianism.
According to Marx, the ascensional march of the evolution of matter is accomplished
through thesis, antithesis, and synthesis, just as the spirit evolved in
Hegel's theory.
With this we should ask how communism takes advantage
of unperceived ideological transshipment, brought about by the talismanic word
"dialogue" under the influence of the fear‑sympathy syndrome.
It would be an exaggeration to say that the victim of
this talismanic word becomes a materialist because he unperceivingly accepts a
dialectical philosophy.
Nevertheless, communism obtains several important
advantages from this transshipment:
· The acceptance of a relativistic philosophy amounts
to a conscious or subconscious break with the Faith, and it prepares the soul
for explicit profession of atheism;
· The acceptance of a philosophy that serves as a
cornerstone for communism prepares the soul for an open adherence to communist
doctrine;
· Communism cannot accept coexistence with anyone who,
contrary to itself, professes a philosophy based on the recognition of the
truth and the good as absolute, immutable, transcendent values existing in a
perfect way in the divine essence. On the contrary, he who hopes only for the
synthesis from the dialogue between thesis and antithesis cannot fail to
expect good results from dialogue with a relativist Catholic who accepts
Catholic doctrine as a relative "truth" ‑ a thesis with a
dialectical attitude toward the communist antithesis and destined for a higher
synthesis. This position is all the more acceptable to communism since
communist theoreticians, as is well known, do not consider the ultimate and
definitive truth but only a moment within the eternal dialectic of matter;
· Passing to the religious field as such, we have
irenic dialogue favoring interconfessionalism and weakening all religions,
throwing them into a state of absolute confusion. Since for Marxism it is of
the utmost importance to annihilate all religions, it is easy to understand
what this effect means for the victory of international communism.
Actually, this preparation for communism by the
talismanic word only exceptionally results in mere preparation. Affinity
produces sympathy and sympathy inclines toward adhesion. This adhesion is made
even easier by the fact that today's public opinion is saturated by a multifaceted
and intelligent system of incitements and attractions aimed at making the
public sympathetic toward communism.
2. Ecumenism, Irenicism, and Communism
We must repeat that the word "ecumenism"
clearly has an excellent meaning in itself (cf. Ch. IV, 2, D).
Nevertheless, it is also susceptible of an irenic
meaning. Once all religions are admitted as relative "truths" in a
Hegelian dialogue, ecumenism assumes the aspect of their dialectical march
toward a single, universal religion synthetically fabricated from the fragments
of truth in each one and despoiled of the dross of current contradictions.
Seen in this light, ecumenism is an immense
preparation of all religions, through Hegelian dialogue, to participate, once
they are all united, in a subsequent dialogue with the communist antithesis.
3. Dialogue, Dialectical Relativism, and Peaceful
Coexistence with Communism
While communism can only coexist with true Catholics
in a state of battle (cf. the interesting article of Rev. Fr. Giuseppe De Rosa,
S.J., entitled "L'Impossibile Dialogo tra Cattolici e Communisti," Civilta
Cattolica, Rome, 10/17/1964, pp. 110‑23), its coexistence with religions
that accept dialectical relativism can well be truly peaceful, since their
dialogue has no pugnacity and has only the character of collaboration.
4. Dialogue,
Irenicism, and Religious Persecution
Does the fact that communism accepts peaceful
coexistence with the several religions that resist it perhaps indicate that the
period of religious persecutions is over?
Strictly speaking, no. Communism will accept such
coexistence with religions or religious groups that, taking a Hegelian
position, acquiesce to dialogue with communism on a relativistic basis. Here
it seems that communism's attitude is new, but on reflecting we see that the
newness is not communism's but rather that of certain religious currents whose
position on relativism is becoming more and more weak and conniving. Communism
persecuted religions when they fought it. Therefore it is consistent for
communism to stop fighting those who are ready to start a relativistic dialogue
with it in a climate of peaceful coexistence.
These assertions have interesting confirmations in
fact, and as we see it, the Polish Communist Party supports the "
Pax" group for no other reason.
The persons who join "Pax," while still
calling themselves Catholics, nevertheless acquiesce in collaborating with the
communist regime in building the socialist world. These "Catholics"
thus insinuate that the social thought of the Church has evolved and now
supports a flexibility toward socialism that it did not have before. Now, if
the thought of the Church can evolve in a social matter, it can also evolve in
anything else. The position of the "Pax" group contains an implicit
confession of relativism that aims at presenting a completely mutable Catholic
doctrine to the public. Furthermore, by accepting irenistic dialogue with the
communists "Pax" reveals itself to be a tool in promoting the spread
of relativism in Catholic circles all over unfortunate Poland.
This relativistic tendency can also be observed in the
controversial book Il Dialogo Alla Prova (A Cura di Mario
Gozzini, Messo Secolo, Vallecchi
Editore Florence, 1964), in which more than one contributor insinuates that,
from the point of view of dialogue, men are not divided into ideological groups
but into two large supra‑ideological categories. In the various doctrinal
outlooks, some people are sensitive to dialogue and capable of it, and these
move toward peaceful coexistence and synthesis. These are the good. The others are insensitive to the
attractions of dialogue and obstinately stick to controversy of a
"dogmatic" nature, therefore lacking the mark of relativism. These
are the bad, the hard‑hearted,
and the intransigent.
One needs not have much political perspicacity to see
that the bad will not have the
delights of peaceful coexistence, but only the inflexible rigors of the most
ferocious persecution.
5. Irenistic Pacifism and Dialogue
When sprouting from the soil of irenic utopia, the
words "dialogue" and "coexistence" make a trilogy with the
word "peace". Irenic peace is not just the absence of thermonuclear
or conventional wars, revolutions or guerrillas. It has a doctrine and both
public and private lifestyles, in which all clashing elements would be replaced
with a cordial and dialectic coexistence of thesis and antithesis in continuous
collaboration to prepare the synthesis.
Irenistic dialogue is the direct application of this
doctrine, the language of this lifestyle, and the instrument of this collaboration.[26]
6. A World of "Transshipping" Talismanic Words
"Dialogue," "coexistence," and
“peace" as talismanic words are used enigmatically in many circumstances.
But if interpreted in an evolutionist and Hegelian sense, the enigmatic
character is dissipated, and these talismanic terms become clear, precise, and
perfectly harmonious with each other. Now this presents us with a transshipping
action of not just the one word "dialogue," but of a whole world of
similar talismanic words.
Constructed from the irenistic lucubrations about
relations between Catholics and non‑Catholics, this world leads to a
relativism having a Marxist and Hegelian flavor.
7. Dialogue and the Italian Way of
Communism
Until now, we have dealt with "dialogue" as
an instrument of unperceived ideological transshipment.
Before we finish our study we should ask if
international communism is not contemplating, along with transshipment, a
large-scale political maneuver in light of the problem we set forth in the
beginning of this work ‑ the global failure of its overt proselytism.
If so, the importance of unperceived ideological
transshipment becomes even more obvious to the reader.
If we consider the line of conduct assumed by the
Italian Communist Party (ICP) regarding the internal politics of the Peninsula,
we will find certain things that suggest an affirmative answer to our question.
For a long time the ICP tried to destroy religion by a
violent and feverish campaign. In view of the overpowering electoral influence
of Catholic public opinion, after World War II the ICP gradually changed its
attitude, and today its most qualified representatives state that if Catholics
agree to collaborate in building a socialist economy, the communists on their
part will be ready to admit religion as a valid factor of the social
revolution, and allow the Church to have freedom of worship.
On these terms, peaceful coexistence with the Church
would be established and communistic atheism would begin a regime of irenic
dialogue with the Catholic Religion to search for a new synthesis. The book Il Dialogo
Alla Prova (Item 4) has important passages in this line, and so does the
aforementioned article of Fr. De Rosa (Item 3). The latter transcribes
interesting communist documents that imply the recognition of the present
indestructibility of the Catholic Religion in Italy, and they suggest dialogue
and peaceful coexistence between the Catholics and communists on the Peninsula.
In opposition to the so‑called Russian Way (as in the nearly continuous
ideological conflict and political persecution carried out in Russia), an Italian Way thus appears, inspired by
the opportunistic sense of communism and formulated in terms of irenicism,
relativist dialogue, and coexistence.
The basic document of the Russian line would be the
famous Ilytchev Report (a speech given by the Committee on ideology of the
Russian Communist Party's Central Committee, 11/26/1963, in one of its
meetings). The main document of the Italian line would be the no less famous
memorandum about the Ilytchev Report of August 1964, by Palmiro Togliatti, the
now deceased secretary of the ICP.
The Italian Way of
communism is related to the approach followed by the Polish communist dictator
Gomulka, a politics of temporization in relation to the Church, while
simultaneously giving full support to the "Pax" movement. The
religious homogeneity of Poland creates problems for communism there analogous
to those a Bolshevik government would have in Italy.
The Italian Way ultimately
shows the communist hope that a majority of the Catholics of the Peninsula,
pressured by the fear‑sympathy syndrome, will accept a veiled apostasy to
avoid persecution.
We do not believe this maneuver will be successful
against the great majority in a nation like Italy.
But, since the communists place hopes in it in Italy's
case, should we not ask if they do not also expect something from it for other
Catholic countries, as Brazil and its sister nations in Latin America?
Giving the question an even broader scope, we wonder
if communism doesn't have a similar maneuver in mind for countries affiliated
with other religions.
Everything inclines us to think so, and to us this is
one of the most timely aspects of the matter dealt with in this study.
8. Usefulness of this Work: The Possibility of "Exorcising"
the Talismanic Word and Neutralizing the Communist Stratagem
As we said in the beginning of this study, the non‑communist
sectors of world public opinion find themselves in a contradictory
psychological situation.
To the degree they look at communism straight on,
these sectors reject it out of fidelity to a whole set of values they still
hold, values derived from universal common sense or the Christian legacy.
But if they see communism obliquely, that is, only in
its diluted and implicit manifestations, they gradually accept it more and
more. The irenistic myth and the fear‑sympathy syndrome move them toward
this.
Thus, if communism must keep hidden the real meaning
of the myth in the talismanic word, by analogy the victim of this process
fights back when it is made explicit.
For most people the myth, brought to mind and
insinuated by "dialogue," and whose seduction is as though it were
electrically charged, is only attractive when it is kept imprecise, diffused,
wrapped up in the vapors of poetry. How wonderful it would be to dream vaguely
about a definitive, total harmony among men in all the spheres of their
relationships! But, to make this dream explicit, to strive to study it, would
be the same as killing it (cf. Ch. III, 3). And why make it explicit at all?
Why understand it? Myths like this are made much less to be understood than to
be tasted. Someone smoking opium is not usually interested in its chemical composition.
He does not want to understand opium, he wants to feel it.
In order to "exorcise" the talismanic word and incapacitate
its magic effect, one must first of all discover the myth incubated in its
many meanings.
Everything in existence tends to manifest itself. The
irenic myth exists in the mind of its enthusiasts ‑ Since its advance is
barred from the ways of explicitness, the irenic myth, incubated in the most
radical nuances of the talismanic word "dialogue," manifests itself
as clearly and intensely as it can.
So, even when it obstinately remains implicit, one
who knows how can detect, characterize, and expose the myth.
The process of unmasking the myth consists in dealing with the talismanic word in its
most applauded and radiant meanings and comparing them with the successively
less magical ones, even the innocent and trivial ones. Once this table of
comparison of the mythical and non‑mythical meanings has been formed, by
contrast one can discover the content of this word hidden in its mythical and
radical meanings. In the case of "dialogue," irenicism will always
emerge from the comparison. It can be seen that the irenic content decreases as
the word loses its talismanic force in the comparative range, and in the
trivial uses this content disappears. Thus, the relativistic and Hegelian
irenic myth is the magical force of the talismanic word "dialogue".
The method of this inquiry is like an optical
experiment, where the human eye looks at a translucent cloth illuminated from
behind: as the cloth approaches the light source it becomes more luminous, and
vice versa, proving that the luminosity is not immanent in the cloth but
proceeds from the movable source behind it.
Analogously, we can say that "dialogue"
shines with a light that does not come from the word itself, but from a myth
placed behind it. The closer the word comes to the myth, the more luminous it
becomes; the farther it is removed, the more opaque.
Once an observer exposes the myth, he can
"exorcise" the talismanic word by divulging his discovery. By making
the myth explicit, he will provide the patients of unperceived ideological
transshipment with sufficient means to open their eyes to the action worked on
them, see where they are being led, and defend themselves against it.
Once the myth has been exposed, its influence becomes
null and void. The natural repulsion people thus alerted have for communism
will then begin to react, and the communist maneuver will be frustrated.
This book was written with the purpose of giving the
victims of this process the means to efficiently defend themselves.
* * *
We ask Our Lady of Fatima to receive this study as a
filial homage of love, and that She deign to use it, however insignificant as
an instrument, for the realization of the great promise made to the world at
Cova da Iria:
“IN THE END, MY IMMACULATE HEART WILL TRIUMPH!"
MAN ALIENATED
(ESTRANGED) BY THE UNNATURAL
AND ANTI‑NATURAL
CONDITIONS PRODUCED BY
THE REVOLUTION
(SOCIALISM, ETC.) EXPERIENCES
THE PAIN AND
BITTERNESS OF THIS ESTRANGEMENT
(ALIENATION)
COMMUNIST
PROPAGANDA TELLS HIM CONTINUOUSLY
THAT THIS ESTRANGEMENT (ALIENATION) IS
CAUSED BY
CAPITALISM, THE BOURGEOIS, AND THE
UPPER CLASSES
IN THIS WAY HE
BECOMES CONDITIONED TO ACCEPT
THE PRIMARY
MEANING OF ALIENATION
(DEPENDENCE ON ANOTHER)
AND TO BELIEVE THAT ELIMINATING INEQUALITY
AND PRIVATE PROPERTY WILL
DISALIENATE
HIM, MAKE HIM ABSOLUTELY FREE
AND ABSOLUTELY
EQUAL
ULTIMATE END:
TO HAVE MAN COMPLETELY ALIEN
ATED TO AND BY
THE STATE UNDER COMMUNISM,
AND THIS IS THE
LIE HIDDEN UNDER IT ALL
How communism conditions mentalities against private property by using
the word alienation in two different meanings
Schematic
Diagram of the Four Phases of
Talismanic Distortion of the Word
"Dialogue" (Chap. IV, 3, D, b.) FIRST PHASE IRENISTIC PENETRATION SECOND PHASE IRENISTIC EXPANSION THIRD PHASE IRENISTIC
TRIUMPH: RELATIVISM FOURTH PHASE IRENISTIC‑RELATIVISTIC
APOGEE: HEGELIANISM DEGREES OF INTENSITY OF IRENISTIC EMOTION Irenistic cordiality is set up as complementary
factor indispensable to persuasion. Irenistic cordiality becomes a dominant factor in
persuasion. Irenistic cordiality is made the exclusive factor of
persuasion: relativism. Irenistic‑relativistic cordiality is built up
as the Hegelian "ludus". REPERCUSSION OF THE IRENISTIC EMOTION IN THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE INTERLOCUTORS In argument‑dialogue cordiality is
exaggerated. Polemics and argument pure and simple are proscribed. Irenistic cordiality infects dialogue-investigation
and dialogue‑entertainment, which become dominant; argument‑dialogue
is merely tolerated. Dialogue‑investigation and dialogue‑
entertainment become the only forms of dialogue that are permitted. Argument‑
dialogue is proscribed. Dialogue becomes conceived of as the Hegelian play
of thesis, antithesis and synthesis. REPERCUSSION OF THE IRENISTIC EMOTION IN THE OBJECT OF THE INTERLOCUTION The irenistic interlocutor still admits, though
begrudgingly, that objective truth and error exist, that it is necessary to
convince the other interlocutor, and that unity is merely fruit of the effort
of persuasion. The irenistic interlocutor still admits the
existence of objective truth and error and the necessity of persuading;
however, he begins to think that the supreme end of interlocution is not
truth but unity. The irenistic interlocutor comes to admit that there
is neither objective truth nor error (relativism), and thus it is not
necessary to convince to attain unity. The irenistic interlocutor comes to hold that,
through the Hegelian "ludus" of relative "truths," unity
is affirmed and progresses. REPERCUSSION OF THE IRENISTIC EMOTION IN MAKING THE IRENISTIC MYTH EXPLICIT First explication of the myth: all men are of good
will; dissension is always the result of resentment or misunderstanding. Second explication of the myth: man's good will is
such that the doctrinal mistakes have almost no importance; the main problem
is to put an end to resentment. Third explication of the myth: the man of good will
realizes that doctrinal mistakes are not substantial. Truth is relative;
cordiality itself alone brings about complete unity. Total explication of the myth: for men of good will,
progress in unity and truth is obtained through the friendly friction of
relative "truths". REPERCUSSION OF THE
IRENISTIC EMOTION IN THE CONTENT OF THE TALISMANIC WORD "DIALOGUE" The talismanic word "dialogue, appears,
designating argument‑dialogue by antonomasia. The talismanic word "dialogue" is extended
to dialogue‑investigation and ialogue‑entertainment steeped in
irenicism; argument‑dialogue is practically excluded. The
talismanic word "dialogue" is extended to dialogue‑investigation
and dialogue‑entertainment steeped in irenicism; argument‑dialogue
is practically excluded. The talismanic word "dialogue" comes to
include only dialogue‑investigation and dialogue‑entertainment,
which are placed on an entirely relativistic base. Argument‑dialogue
is excluded. The talismanic word "dialogue" comes to
indicate the "ludic" friction between thesis and antithesis to produce
synthesis. REPERCUSSIONOF THE TALISMANIC WORD "DIALOGUE" IN THE INTENSITY OF THE IRENISTIC EMOTION The use of the word "dialogue,' charged with
mythical‑irenistic meaning and talismanic efficacy, intensifies in turn
the irenistic emotion, and in turn prepares the next phase. The use of the word "dialogue," charged
with mythical‑irenistic meaning and talismanic efficacy, intensifies
the irenistic emotion even more, and thus prepares the next phase. The talismanic word "dialogue" is extended to dialogue‑investigation
and dialogue‑entertainment steeped in irenicism; argument‑dialogue
is practically excluded. The use of the word "dialogue," charged
with mythical‑irenistic meaning and talismanic efficacy, once again aggravates
the irenistic emotion and prepares the next phase. Interaction of the talismanic word
"dialogue" and the irenistic emotion to the infinite influences the
Hegelian process in such a way that it develops in an atmosphere that is not
only syncretistic, but increasingly cordial.
Beyond Nuclear Terror: Dialogue
Taking advantage of a month's vacation, a typical
successful businessman leans back in a comfortable poolside deck chair and lets
his eyes peruse the morning newspaper. Adjusting his sunglasses and repositioning
his chair to make the most of the shade provided by his parasol while sitting
at the least distance possible from a nearby table which supports his frosty
refreshment, he begins to scan the front page seeking some intellectual
companionship in his newly discovered "paradise."
To his discomfiture, the world of reality from which
he had escaped by jet only a day before has preceded him via the marvel of
satellite news reporting.
The headlines have breached his makeshift wall of fantasies.
Despite the tranquil ambience of his morning, the rest of the world is still
in chaos. Everywhere there are reports or rumors of "wars;"
"emerging" nations at odds with "underdeveloped" nations
and all of them in conflict with the "developed" nations: spontaneous
"people's liberation movements;" utopian "land reform"
programs; undefineable levels of world "poverty;" an attempted
resurrection of "detente," the "cold war" and, above all,
"dialogue." From one end of the globe to the other there is an
underlying pervading fear of a nuclear holocaust... and the extermination of
the human race.
"Is the good life no longer possible?" our
poolside lounger asks himself. "Are the noisy pushers of pacifism right?
Are nations and national sovereignty outmoded? If the rights of nations have
been voided, what then of my own rights, my business, my property? Is the only
alternative to live the life of the "hippies," a communal good life
bound up in an uncomfortable ribbon of "love?"
Our imaginary character's mind, at one moment was
meandering comfortably down a quiet country lane, but now finds itself on a
modern highway cloverleaf. His memory recalls other articles he has read,
other conversations. Key words and phrases firmly rooted in his subconscious now
begin to take shape...
"Our species, our kind is in such a manifold crisis, no one can be excused. If
twenty years from now, the whole world
blows up, you will not be able to say from the grave to the few survivors,
'I had a rigl.‑. good time.' We are asked to help rising people. We are asked by other parties to crush them. We are told they are humans,
like us. We are told by other parties they are led by communist demons.
"Then there is the oncoming nuclear war. Albert Einstein said a nuclear holocaust is overwhelmingly likely. George Kistiakowsky,
who was head of the Manhattan Project's Explosive Division and a scientific
advisor to Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson said, 'I think that with
the kind of political
leaders we have in the world ... nuclear weapons will
proliferate. ... I personally think that the likelihood for an initial use of nuclear warheads is really
quite great between now and the end of this century.'
"Finally, we arrive at the unadmitted crisis: ... the world‑wide
tenacity of nationalism. But the revulsion against the Vietnam war ... was also the beginning of
awareness among people that nuclear weapons would require us to move toward a transcendent internationalism. "
(Commencement to Armageddon, Ronnie Dugger, Editor, Texas Observer, 7‑10‑81).
By now, the reader will see to what conclusions our
perplexed vacationer is being led by the use of key words, phrases and
presuppositions. The current international socio‑economic structure will
lead inevitably to a West‑East nuclear confrontation ‑ one in
which our poolside ponderer is liable to lose everything he has worked for.
His mind races for a solution. From the same commencement address he recalls:
"A human being, 'said Einstein,' is part of the whole, called by us 'universe,'
a part limited in time and space. He experiences himself, his thoughts and
feelings, as something separated from the rest ‑ a kind of optical
delusion of his consciousness. This delusion is a kind of a prison for us. Our
task must be to free ourselves from this
prison by widening our circle of compassion to embrace all loving creatures
and the whole of nature in its beauty."
At this nebulous solution, our character begins to
dream... "perhaps there is a way to save something of what I have gained.
After all, a part of something is better than oblivion." Logic and reason,
which had steadfastly supported him in his economic rise and provided the good
life, now are abandoned to emotion. And why not? After all, for some time now
his mind has been drinking from this side of the ideological river as well.
This idea of "consciousness" heretofore
restricted to a part of his brain remote for practical considerations now
begins to emerge as a solution to the problem
of survival.
Here, too, he finds that the wordsmiths of pacifism
have been toiling a long time in his subconsciousness.
The socio‑economic link with the human consciousness
was made clear by Thomas Merton. James
Forest summarizes Merton's thoughts: "The monk is, after all, someone who
takes up a critical attitude toward the world and its structures. In addition,
both (the Christian monk and Marxist) share the idea that each should give according to his capacity and receive according to
his need. As he stood in front of the Buddahs at Polonnaruwa he wrote,
'Filled with every possibility, questioning nothing, knowing everything,
rejecting nothing ... the peace that has seen through every question without
trying to discredit anyone or anything ‑ without refutation ‑ without establishing some other argument.'"
This is the ideal that the imaginary man at the poolside
considers as his alternative. It is the ultimate escape from reason and logic.
This fabricated link between survival and consciousness
has not restricted itself to the monasteries. It has already leapt over the
wall and its misleading terminology forms a part of the effort being made in
Catholic circles to play a leading role in the "peace" movement.
For example, on December 31, 1981, Bishop Roger
Mahoney of Stockton, California wrote: "How can we become truly advocates
of peace? I believe the nuclear arms policy of our nation, as well of the
Soviet Union, has long since exceeded the bounds of justice and moral legitimacy.
Moreover, the arms race makes it impossible to effectively end the urgent
crisis of world hunger. What is
needed is, instead, a radical change of
our hearts and our attitudes ‑ a new awareness of our calling to be a
people dedicated to peace. "
At the same time, teams of scientists associated with
the Pontifical Academy of Sciences were sent by John Paul 11 to meet with world
leaders in the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, France and the
United Nations. The teams bore a much publicized message about the impact of
nuclear war.
Among the tenets gaining acceptance by the general
public under this propaganda barrage is the belief that the possession and use of nuclear weapons is in itself immoral.
Priests, nuns and members of the laity have protested the traditional teaching
on a "just war" in a thousand‑word statement that challenged
his assumption that nuclear weapons are a legitimate defensive strategy. The
National Conference of Bishops endorsed the Vatican II Council's view in 1976
in a pastoral letter condemning the stockpiling of nuclear weapons and the
"threat" to employ them.
Even more radical regarding the position of the Church
is Msgr. Vincent A. Yzermans of St. Cloud, Minnesota, information director for
the American bishops. Msgr. Yzermans wrote in a letter to The New York Times. Simply, the Church in the United States is
becoming a 'peace' church ... in recent years, it has moved dramatically and
swiftly from the company of the mainline Protestant and Evangelical churches
into the quiet meeting place of the Society of Friends.
"Thank God, the American bishops are shouldering
their responsibility of leading this revolution,
at times to the chagrin and vocal opposition of their flocks. "(Corpus
Christi Caller, 12‑3‑81).
This "revolution" is already a part of the
mainstream of American life, according to Marilyn Ferguson in "The
Aquarian Conspiracy: Personal and Social Transformation in the 1980's."
"I use the word 'conspiracy' in an unconventional
way (sic). I'm describing the individuals, networks, groups of people all over
the country, and in fact all over the planet, who are working to bring about
special change; in this case, a change
based on a shift of personal values ... deep personal changes ... something
that is some kind of external dogma. The
Aquarian Conspiracy is characterized by people ... who have a strong sense
of community and sense of connection with other people. There is a very strong
and steady shift of social values going
on not only in this country but in other countries that has to do with moving from the material to the intangible, from
economic incentives to the search for
meaning."
This theme of a "search for a new beginning"
that is found throughout The Aquarian
Conspiracy harmonizes well with the goals of Einstein, Merton, Daniel
Yankelovich (New Rules) and others. It
also serves as the perfect bedfellow for the peace movement, whose goals
"transcend" the rights of nations and individuals as well.
What we are witnessing is a natural evolution of a
"war of words" that started in this country sixty years ago. At that time,
the Republican Party of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge responded to the
sentiments of a nation disgusted with the carnage of the Great War with two
related policies. The first was an arms limitation. Today we call it a
"freeze." The second was detente, the Kellogg‑Briand Pact of
1928 wherein nations denounced war as an "instrument of national policy
... .. At the time," wrote Henry Steele Commager and Samuel Elliot
Morison, "the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922 and the London Naval Treaty
of 1930 were regarded as outstanding victories for peace." A short lived
peace promptly shattered by the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. Continuing,
Commager and Morison wrote: "All these methods of preserving the peace ‑
by limitation, by incantation, etc. ... would have been effective among
nations that wanted peace." World War 11 and the resulting 66give‑aways"
at Teheran and Yalta were the result of this maneuver of detente.
And if all this were not enough of a history lesson,
former President Nixon recently urged a return to detente and dialogue between
the United States and the Soviet Union. The former president, who also opened
the way for trade negotiations with Communist China, said a meeting between
President Reagan and Leonid I. Brezhnev would be "important" and
"welcome" (The Victoria
Advocate, 7‑9‑82).
The clever mixture of Buddhist teachings, Catholic
trappings and twisted terminology misleads the average man‑on‑the‑street.
With their promise of a terrestrial paradise the pacifists will end in destroying
the "good life." The United States, for example, and for that matter
the rest of the West have become economically healthy through the use of
reason and logic, not emotion. At best, the pacifist movement can be said to be
misguided. The unity it seeks is one brought about by fear without a rational
basis. It is a world without reason, and one that will bring about exactly what
its advocates want to avoid: the annihilation of mankind.
[1] Note from the 5th edition: Unperceived
Ideological Transshipment and Dialogue has also crossed the Iron Curtain.
Again in Kierunki
(Nos. 51‑52,1967), Mr. Z. Czajkowski,
Editor‑in‑Chief of the monthly Zycie I Mysl, wrote
an article with a peculiar title: "In the Sphere of a Psychological
Mystification, that Is, a Polemic with Prof. Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira ‑ Continuation."
In taking a stand against The Church and
the Communist State.‑ The Impossible Coexistence, the Polish "communo‑Catholic" writer attached
great importance to having sent his arguments to the author of the book he
intended to refute. However, we only learned of this new attack from a seven‑page report in the January 1968
issue of La Vie Catholique
en Pologne/Revue de la Presse Polonaise,
edited in Warsaw by the "Pax" association. This magazine, designed
to inform (or misinform?)the Western public about religious life there, and
particularly about the activities of the "Pax" group, only reached us
after a considerable delay. In thus presenting his new attack as a continuation
of the polemic, Mr. Czajkowski used the word in a very sui generis sense, as he did not take the necessary
precautions to seeing that his argumentation reached
the other party. Incidentally, this
"Catholic" ‑communist had his reasons: in order to better
criticize our essay, he most shamelessly adulterated the different parts he
wanted to refute! (cf. Catolicismo,
April 1971). This also shows on which side the mystification lies.
In any case, what is important is that a qualified
source in the "Pax” association, which constitutes a docile tool in the
hands of the Polish communist government, has considered it timely to warn its
intellectual circles against this work,
a sign that Communism fears that Unperceived
Ideological Transshipment and Dialogue could do it
serious harm in its own territory behind the Iron Curtain.
[2] Communism's
progress in Italy in no way invalidates what we say about the failure of the
old techniques of explicit communist proselytism. On the contrary, it proves the success of the new
techniques. At least the center‑left, left, and extreme left currents of the Italian
Christian Democratic Party have been extensively worked over by feelings of
affinity and fear, cleverly exploited by ICP.
In Italy this disguises its materialistic and atheistic character as much as
possible, and it continually appeals for an accord with the Catholics. This
softens up the Christian Democrats. Simultaneously, the danger of a war
continues to dominate the Peninsula's political panorama. From this comes the
greater flexibility of the Christian Democratic Party in relation to the left,
and the "good neighbor" politics between it and socialism. In turn,
both ‑ these
factors weaken the anticommunist dispositions of the majority
of the population, facilitate the expansion of the Communist Party, and above
all produce a dangerous sliding of the center toward the socialist left, even
in the ranks of the Christian Democrats. A similar phenomenon is taking place
in the other so‑called centrist parties of Italy, which have also been
worked over by a similar communist strategy. This exposes Italy to grave danger
nowadays.
[3] We developed
this thought in our essay Revolution and
Counter‑Revolution (The Foundation for a Christian Civilization,
1980). We had the joy of finding that the essay's main theses on the French
Revolution being the cause of Communism were also affirmed by 269 of the
Prelates present at the Second Vatican Council from 66 countries in a
substantial statement of reasons in a petition promoted by two Brazilian
prelates, Most Reverend Msgr. Geraldo de Proenca Sigaud, S.V.D., then
Archbishop of Diamantina, and Most Reverend Msgr. Antonio de Castro Mayer,
then Bishop of Campos, asking that the Council condemn socialism and communism
anew. The complete text of this petition was published in Catolicismo, January 1964.
[4] This is a well‑known
myth, already present in the lucubrations of certain Protestant sects that
appeared in the XVI Century, as well as in the ideology of certain "avant‑garde"
personages of the French Revolution. We will discuss it further in Chapter IV,
2.
[5]In passing, we
make a marginal commentary which can elucidate an important aspect of the
communist problem in our days.
The
considerations that we make in this chapter are important for the study of the
true nature of the current estrangement between Russia and Communist China.
In view of the
reasons we mentioned, communism logically must renovate its methods completely
in order to begin this new stage of its struggle. With each new event of
importance that occurs in the Communist world ‑ such as the split between
Russia and China ‑ we must look beyond the proximate and visible causes
to see how it fits into the new methods and ends of the latest communist
strategy. A careful observer must then consider the Sino‑Soviet
dissension in this light with the keenest critical sense.
Indeed, if it
is true that there are natural differences between the national interests of
Russia and China, and reasons for competition between the Russian and Chinese
Communist Parties for the world leadership of the communist movement, it
should be noted that the split between the two "greats" of Communism
presents, from the propagandistic point of view, another aspect of a wide
scope. In light of the fear‑sympathy syndrome it is apparent that to the
free world communist China shows a somber and aggressive face which can work on
the fears of the West, while Russia's proposals of peaceful coexistence and the
symptoms of its having "softened up" cause vibrations in the fibers
of soul sympathetic to communism on this side of the Iron Curtain. These two
faces, Russian and Chinese, are two sides of the same coin and could well be,
as it were, a device for exerting a double psychological pressure on the fear‑sympathy
syndrome in the public opinion of the Free World, thus serving the highest
interests of communist expansionism. To understand the plausibility of this
hypothesis, one must keep in mind that these interests are ultimately common
to all Marxists, whether Russian or Chinese.
Similar
considerations should be made about the current tendency toward some kind of
reestablishment of the free enterprise system in Russia.
On one hand, if
Russia, for now desisting from a suicidal war, wants to compete with the United
States in an atmosphere of peaceful coexistence in the field of production, it
must necessarily appeal for the reestablishment, although rudimentary, of free
enterprise. The Soviet experiment has proven that progress in sectors where
production is least sufficient is possible in no other way.
But won't this
reestablishment be used propagandistically for other purposes?
For example,
will it not neutralize minds in the
Free World and prepare them for the illusion that Russia is heading for a
merely semisocialist democratic regime, and that the dangerous contrast
between the two worlds could be eliminated if the West, in the interest of
peace, consented to heavily "socialize" itself while Russia
concurrently "capitalized" itself a bit?
What retreats
and capitulations could the action of this illusion over fear‑sympathy
syndrome predispose the free nations to make!
[6] We do not take
the expressions "agrarian reform," "business reform," and
"urban renewal" in their proper and natural senses, which can merely
denote a just and proportional improvement in the living conditions of city
workers, farm workers, small rural landowners, and tenants, respecting the
principle of private property and attending to the social function proper to
it (cf.Reforma Agraria ‑ Questao de
Consciencia by Most Rev. Geraldo de Proenca Sigaud, Most Rev. Antonio de
Castro Mayer, Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira, and Luiz Mendonca de Freitas, Ed. Vera
Cruz, 4th edition, Sâo Paulo, 1962, pp. XIX and 9). We use them in the current
sense given to them by demagogy ‑ laws that mutilate private property
with the pretext of imposing the exercise of its social function, as if the
proper exercise of a function could mean the destruction of the right itself.
The protection of workers and of small rural landowners; the participation of
employees in the profits, management, and property of enterprise, as long as it
is encouraged where appropriate and not imposed by law; and the protection of
renters against possible excesses of lessors, have nothing to do with the
confiscatory measures about which we have just spoken.
[7] Here we do not
mean to say that everyone who promotes reforms of this nature is necessarily a
communist. The process of ideological transshipment is unperceived not only by
its patients, but at times by some of those who do it.
[8] A graphic
example of the efficacy of this surreptitious sliding of whole countries toward
Communism through unperceived ideological transshipment in certain sectors of
opinion, is found in Algeria, Tunisia, and above all in Egypt, where it appears
to be far advanced. The successive curtailments of the right to property and
free enterprise have led those nations to a profoundly socialist state of
affairs which increasingly leans to the extreme left.
The
anticommunist statements of some of their leaders do not prove that the
transformations they have imposed are not communist or do not tend toward
communism. The Communist character of a transformation is a question of its
nature and not of the label the politicians completing the transformation give
it.
By the same
token, Nasser's reforms are no less extremely socialist simply because the Communist
Party is forbidden in Egypt. It would be very childish for someone to deduce
from that prohibition that the country is heading in directions opposite to
those of communism.
Neither in
Egypt, nor Algeria, nor in Tunisia (we speak of the natives) were seen
reactions proportional to those in Cuba during the explicit, even theatrical,
Bolshevization promoted by Fidel Castro. Even world opinion was not as impressed
by the advance of Communism in North Africa as it was with that in Cuba.
[9] We evidently use the word "talismanic" here,
and later the word "magic," in their current meanings and in a
metaphorical way.
[10] We use the
expression "separated brethren," now so much in vogue, throughout
this study. We occasionally alternate it with "heretic" and
"schismatic," which are becoming less used in certain circles. We do
this intentionally, since "separated brethren" is an expression
also undergoing talismanic use.
All men,
created by the same God and descending from the same first parents, are
brothers. Those who believe in Jesus Christ, true God and true man, Redeemer of
the human race, and who were baptized in His name, are brothers in an even
nobler sense. No matter how deep and strong differences among men may be, these
marks of fraternity remain. Therefore, nothing is more legitimate than the term
"separated brethren".
To say
"legitimate" is to say but little.
"Separated
brethren," with evident stress on "brethren," has the merit of
giving those who use it a more vivid and up‑to‑date awareness of
these fraternal bonds' precedence over divisions, and thus it is a useful
factor in precious apostolic overtures.
Still, if it is necessary at times to emphasize that so many men who are separated from us are our brothers, it is no less necessary to emphasize at other times that they are not just any brothers but, on the contrary, are ones profoundly se